WOODROW  WILSON 


HESTER  E.HOSFORD 


ame$  V.  jJltrlnn 


f"i*>  u  ' ';  /     >1  £ts<?  r      /:  ' '     ::'4  /;' 


WOODROW  WILSON 


"  One  or  two  elections  don't  count  in  a  lifetime,  and  those  of  us  who 
believe  in  things  have  enlisted  for  the  rest  of  our  lives.  Do  the  gentle 
men  who  for  the  sake  of  maintaining  their  own  power  resist  these 
changes  suppose  that  we  are  going  to  sit  in  the  game  for  any  shorter 
time  than  they  are?  Whatever  maybe  the  limitations  of  individual 
human  life,  there  are  men  so  moved  by  conviction,  so  confident  in  the 


Rose,    Photographer,    Princeton. 

hope  of  reform,  so  certain  of  the  legitimate  and  just  demands  of  the 
people,  that  they  can  fight  these  battles  with  the  debonair  air  of  those 
who  see  the  future,  and  thus  who  know  there  is  nothing  that  can  stop 
the  heroic  progress  of  the  American  people  in  the  movement  toward 
the  control  of  their  own  affairs." — Woortrow  Wilxon. 


WOODROW  WILSON 

HIS   CAREER,    HIS   STATESMANSHIP,   AND 
HIS   PUBLIC   POLICIES 


BY 

HESTER  E.  HOSFORD 

SECOND  EDITION,  REVISED  AND  ENLARGED 

WITH  A  PREFACE  BY  THOMAS  P.  GORE 
SENATOR  FROM  OKLAHOMA 


WITH  16  ILLUSTRATIONS 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 

ZTbe  fmicfeerbocfeer  press 

1912 


V 


COPYRIGHT,  igiz 

BY 

HESTER  E.   HOSFORD 


Ubc  Itnicfierbocfter  (rew,  flew  jfforft 


BeMcateD 

TO   THE    MEMORY    OF 

MY   STAND-PAT   ANCESTORS 

WHOSE    SINCERITY   I    REVERE   AND    HONOR 

BUT  WHOSE  POLITICAL  TEACHINGS 

I   AM   UNABLE  TO   ACCEPT 


802099 


PREFACE 

IN  this  volume,  Miss  Hosford  gives  a  just  and  rational 
appreciation  of  a  great  laborer  and  his  great  labors, — 
a  man  who  embodies  the  spirit  of  true  democracy  and 
who  stands  for  true  reform.  It  presents  a  programme 
that  is  not  negative,  but  constructive,  positive,  and  pro 
gressive.  The  book  shows  how  theory  may  be  reduced 
to  fact  and  how  the  blossoms  of  promise  may  be  made 
to  ripen  into  the  fruits  of  performance.  It  makes  clear 
the  interdependence  of  the  real  and  the  ideal ;  while  it  will 
serve  as  a  practical  guide  to  practical  statement.  The 
citizen  will  secure  from  its  perusal  an  ample  dividend 
on  the  time  invested. 

THOMAS  P.  GORE. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C., 
July,  1912. 


PREFACE 

"  To  tell  the  truth  simply,  openly,  without  reservation, 
is  the  unimpeachable  first  principle  of  all  right  dealing; 
and  historians  have  no  license  to  be  quit  of  it.  Unques 
tionably  they  must  tell  us  the  truth  or  else  get  themselves 
enrolled  among  a  very  undesirable  class  of  persons,  not 
often  frankly  named  in  polite  society.  But  the  thing  is 
by  no  means  so  easy  as  it  looks.  The  truth  of  history  is 
a  very  complex  and  very  occult  matter.  It  consists  of 
things  which  are  invisible  as  well  as  of  things  which  are 
visible," 

Long  before  Woodrow  Wilson  was  talked  of  as  a  pros 
pective  Governor  or  possible  President,  I  came  across  an 
essay,  written  by  him,  which  contained  the  expressions 
here  quoted. 

In  this  volume  the  author  has  made  an  earnest  effort 
"to  tell  the  truth"  about  the  public  usefulness  of  New 
Jersey's  conservative-progressive  Governor,  with  special 
emphasis  on  his  official  achievements  both  as  a  College 
President  and  as  Governor  of  a  State  where,  for  more 

than  a  half-century,  the  people  had  lacked  the  virility  and 

vii 


viii  PREFACE 

the  means  to  assert  their  political  independence.  At 
last,  the  Democratic  bosses  miscalculated  and  nomi 
nated  for  Governor  the  "  Scholar  in  Politics,"  whom  they 
believed  to  be  a  mere  theorist,  incapable  of  outwitting 
the  practical  politicians.  But  the  people  believed  that 
the  voice  of  Woodrow  Wilson  rang  true.  They  elected 
him.  He  became  their  State  spokesman.  He  stimulated 
the  members  of  the  Legislature  to  a  consciousness  of 
their  responsibility,  until  there  was  enacted  into  law 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  programs  of  legislation 
which  has  ever  distinguished  a  single  legislative  session 
in  this  country. 

The  author  believes  that  Governor  Wilson's  signal 
achievement  has  elevated  the  tone  of  public  office  to 
correspond  with  the  increasing  dignity  and  power  of  the 
State  and  the  Nation.  His  attitude  on  national  political 
issues  is  defined  in  his  own  words. 

His  long  record  of  public  service  should  serve  as  an 
index  of  the  greater  and  larger  achievements  which  he 
is  qualified  to  render  in  the  event  of  his  election  to  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

I  have  written  this  book  because  I  believe  in  Woodrow 
Wilson. 

HESTER  E.  HOSFORD. 

July,  1912. 


"  The  mere  moral  impulse  in  me  is  of  no  force  unless 
it  can  be  translated  into  action.  It  is  immoral  to  pro 
pose  for  the  United  States  something  that  is  not  of  bene 
fit  for  the  whole  United  States.  It  is  immoral  to  promote 
legislation  for  your  business  unless  it  is  also  for  the  in 
terest  of  the  rest  of  the  country.  Our  government  is  not 
a  paternal  institution." — WOODROW  WILSON. 


"  And  yet  it  seems  to  me  that  the  only  way  to  come 
to  a  common  understanding  is  by  standing  up  and  talk 
ing  about  it,  and  the  radicalism  lies  in  the  statement  of 
the  fact,  not  in  the  proposal  of  the  remedies. 

"  I  understand,  just  as  you  understand,  that  we  can 
go  at  a  too  rapid  or  radical  pace  in  remedying  the  things 
which  are  wrong,  because  the  structure  of  society  is 
made  of  a  very  delicate  fibre.  Interests,  whether  these 
gentlemen  will  admit  it  or  not,  are  so  interlaced  that 
you  cannot  deal  with  one  at  a  time  without  dealing  with 
all  of  them;  we  are  so  bound  together  in  common  causes 
of  life  that  if  you  detach  one  part  of  it  impression  thrills 
through  every  part,  and  every  sane  man  understands, 
therefore,  that  you  have  got  to  touch  the  body  politic 
with  the  nice  art  of  the  prudent  physician,  but  what 
would  you  say  of  the  physician  who  was  so  prudent  that 
he  did  not  get  to  the  bottom  of  the  diagnosis? 

"  The  diagnosis  is  radical,  but  the  cure  is  remedial ; 
the  cure  is  conservative.  I  do  not,  for  my  part,  think 
that  the  remedies  applied  should  be  applied  upon  a  great 
theoretical  scale;  nobody  is  wise  enough  to  have  the 
absolute  '  by  the  wool ' ;  nobody  is  big  enough,  nobody 
comprehends  in  his  single  brain,  no  group  of  men  com 
prehend  in  their  common  conference  all  the  interests  in 
volved  in  the  great  nation.  You  have  to  take  item  by 
item  and  symptom  by  symptom;  you  have  got  to  remedy 
one  thing  at  a  time,  but  you  must  do  it,  not  upon  a  prin 
ciple  of  hostility,  but  upon  a  principle  of  reconciliation." 
— WOODEOW  WILSON. 


CONTENTS 
CHAPTER  I 

PAGB 

MACHINE  VERSUS   POPULAR  GOVERNMENT  ...         3 

Contains  a  Hint  of  the  Story  which  Is  to  Follow. 

The  Political  Pendulum  in  Representative  Government 
— Classification  of  Democrats  and  Plutocrats — 
Honest  Party  Organization  Contrasted  with  Corrupt 
Machine  Government — Our  Real  Governor,  a  Friend 
of  Organization — A  Picture  of  Machine  Government, 
Ancient  and  Modern — The  Political  Boss — A  Few 
Questions  for  him  to  Answer — Students  of  Political 
Problems  Invited  to  New  Jersey  to  Study  History 
— A  Remarkable  Governor  who  Kept  his  Pledges  to 
the  People — We  Heard  Something  Drop  in  the  State 
of  New  Jersey — A  Fracas  between  the  Machine  State 
Chairman  and  the  People's  Governor — How  it  Ended 
— Our  State  in  a  Political  Rut — J.  Lincoln  Steffens's 
Prophecy  in  1905 — A  Non-resident's  Rebuke  to  New 
Jersey  Citizens — Our  Answer:  We  were  Waiting 
for  a  Leader  who  Came  "  in  a  Mysterious  Way  " — 
He  Brought  with  him  the  Light  of  a  New  Day — 
And  Delivered  us  from  the  Seventeen-year  Locust. 

CHAPTER  II 

GOVERNOR      WILSON'S      NOMINATION       AND      ELECTION— 

A    UNIQUE   CAMPAIGN 22 

A  Question  from  the  Start — Who  Discovered  Wood- 
row  Wilson? — The  American  People — The  Demo 
cratic  Machine  Did  Nominate  Governor  Wilson; 
but  Why?— What  Happened?— A  Political  Lion 
Came  Forth,  who  Could  not  be  Caged  in  the 
xiii 


xiv  CONTENTS 

PAGB 

State  House  by  either  Board  of  Guardians— The 
Man's  Insight — How  he  Leads — What  was  Predicted 
from  the  Start  by  Those  who  were  Associated  with 
him  in  Politics — A  Hint  as  to  his  Fitness — Why  Did 
Dr.  Wilson  Consent  to  Become  a  Candidate  for  Gov 
ernor? — His  Speech  when  Nominated — The  Reaction 
— A  Change  in  the  Plans  of  Republicans — Wood- 
row  Wilson  Gained  Ground  with  Rapidity  during  the 
Campaign — Extracts  from  Campaign  Speeches — Dr. 
Wilson  Compared  with  Samson — What  Horse-power 
is  Woodrow  Wilson? — The  Pivot  on  which  the 
Campaign  Turned — The  Bosses  only  Smiled  when 
they  Listened  to  Woodrow  Wilson's  Promises  to  the 
People — But  the  Overlords,  not  the  People,  Mis 
understood  him — Elected  by  a  Plump  Plurality. 

CHAPTER  III 

THE    SMITH-MARTINE    CONTROVERSY  .  .  .  .40 

A  Dramatic  Spectacle — What  Created  a  Most  Extra 
ordinary  Situation — A  Glimpse  of  an  Interesting 
Personage — A  Few  Sidelights  Turned  on  his  Po 
litical  Manoeuvres — The  Man's  Record  as  Published 
by  his  Contemporaries — Smithism — The  People  had 
Long  Wanted  to  Start  Something  but  they  had 
Heretofore  Lacked  an  Executive  who  Dared  to  Be  a 
State  Spokesman — But  now  Times  had  Changed — A 
Fearless  Leader — What  this  Meant  to  the  State — 
Who  Were  the  Brave  Mariners  in  the  Storm — The 
State  Schoolmaster  Taught  the  People— His  Whole 
Plea  Was :  "  Come  and  Let  us  Reason  Together  "— 
The  Moral  Obligation  and  the  Responsibility  of  a 
Great  Opportunity — The  Jeffersonian  Quality  of  Gov 
ernor-elect  Wilson's  Speeches  during  this  Contest — 
The  Main  Facts  of  them  Quoted — By  what  Standard 
Shall  we  Judge  New  Jersey's  Governor?— The  Gi 
gantic  Size  of  the  Man  whom  he  Licked — "  The  Big 
gest  One-man  Politician  in  America" — After  All, 
Posterity  must  Pronounce  the  Final  Verdict  upon 
him. 


CONTENTS  xv 

CHAPTER  IV 

PACK 

FROM   THE  CLASSROOM   TO  THE  STATE   HOUSE  .  .  .53 

A  Governor  who  Made  the  Most  of  his  Mental  Dis 
cipline — A  Word-picture  of  Woodrow  Wilson — He 
had  Never  Visited  the  Trenton  Legislature,  up  to 
the  Time  of  his  Inauguration — A  Parallelism  be 
tween  his  Career  as  Governor  and  his  Career  as  an 
Educator — A  Glimpse  of  his  Ancestry — Views  of  a 
Conservative  Southerner — Dr.  Wilson's  Educational 
Training — He  Found  Himself  Early — He  Practises 
Law,  but  Gives  it  up  to  Continue  Academic  Work 
— His  First  Book — He  Enters  the  Teaching  Proies- 
sion — He  Marries  a  Southern  Lady  of  Distinguished 
Family — Their  Children — Dr.  Wilson  is  Appointed 
Professor  of  Jurisprudence,  at  Princeton — His  Ser 
vices  on  Faculty  Committees — An  Exceptional  Pro 
fessor — Honored  by  other  Universities — His  Literary 
Career  Continues — He  is  Unanimously  Chosen  Presi 
dent  of  Princeton — Brings  Order  out  of  Academic 
Chaos — Founds  Preceptorial  System,  which  Proves 
an  Innovation — His  Third  Stroke  to  Democratize  the 
Institution — His  First  Battle  for  the  Forces  of  De 
mocracy  in  Conflict  with  Special  Privilege — Because 
Wealthy  Gentlemen  Gave  Money  to  Princeton,  they 
Could  not  Dictate  the  Academic  Policy — The  Class 
room  Atmosphere  must  be  Kept  Democratic — Presi 
dent  Wilson  Continued  his  Fight  for  Democratic 
Standards  to  the  End— But  the  Office  of  College 
President  Did  not  Afford  Him  Sufficient  Opportunity 
to  Exercise  the  Numerous  Resources  within  himself 
— Naturally  a  Fighter  for  Popular  Rights — He  Re 
signs  the  Presidency  of  Princeton  to  Accept  Nomina 
tion  for  Governor — Leaves  University  in  Flourishing 
Condition — America's  Foremost  Living  Historian — 
A  Constructive  Educator  Becomes  a  Constructive 
Statesman — Translates  himself  with  Ease  from  the 
World  of  Author's  Politics  to  the  Practical  Institu 
tion  itself. 


xvi  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  V 

PAGE 

KEEPING    FAITH    WITH    THE    PEOPLE  .  .  .  .85 

Zealously  Desirous  of  Interpreting  the  Popular  Will 
— Faith  in  the  American  People — Governor  Wilson 
Did  not  Dragoon  the  New  Jersey  Legislature — But 
he  Did  Use  the  Preceptorial  System  in  Dealing 
with  the  Side-steppers — Daylight  and  Fireworks-at- 
night  Methods — He  Stimulates  the  Legislators  to  a 
Consciousness  of  their  Responsibility — He  Leads  the 
Average  Citizen  to  Look  Ahead  with  him — The 
Lonely  Dignity  of  the  Poor  Man  when  he  Goes  to 
Vote — The  Key-note  of  Governor  Wilson's  Political 
Conscience;  to  Study  the  Interest  of  the  Whole 
People — The  Function  of  a  Legislature  to  Look 
after  the  General  Good — Restores  Contact  between 
the  People  and  their  Representatives;  How? — Gov 
ernor  Wrilson  Has  a  Way,  All  his  Own — Only  Custom 
Kept  him  off  the  Floor  of  the  House — He  Exercised 
Fearlessly  his  Executive  Functions — There  Must  Be 
Some  Force  to  Bring  Public  Opinion  into  Legisla 
tive  Business — The  Initiative  and  Referendum  Will 
Help — Wilson's  Exact  Position  on  these  Measures — 
Where  Are  Bills  Edited? — Necessity  of  Executive 
Leadership — Acute  Consciousness  of  Responsibility 
— The  American  People  Have  Reason  to  Be  Sus 
picious — Woodrow  Wilson  Grouped  with  the  Elect 
Immortals  of  the  Republic — And  a  Governor  who 
Could  Discipline  a  New  Jersey  Legislature  ought  to 
Be. 

CHAPTER  VI 

REFORM    LEGISLATION 101 

The  People  and  the  Legislators  Overwhelmed  with  the 
Programme  of  Legislation  Seriously  Proposed  in 
Governor  Wilson's  Inaugural  Message — But  the 
Greatest  Surprise  of  All  Was  that  he  Meant  Every 


CONTENTS  xvii 

PAGE 

Word  he  Said — A  Six-cylinder  Type  of  Governor 
Strikes  Trenton  with  a  Bang;  and  it  Certainly  Is 
a  Slow  Town — Some  Things  Started — A  Drastic 
Public  Utilities  Law  Enacted  in  Spite  of  Protests 
from  Corporations — And  there  Has  Been  Something 
Doing  Since  it  Went  into  Effect — A  Few  Results — 
The  Employers'  Liability  Law — A  Real  Direct 
Primary  Law  which  Bade  Defiance  to  Machines  and 
Bosses — A  Corrupt  Practices  Act  which  Reinforces 
the  Election  Law  and  Does  Away  with  "  Spook " 
Voters  and  Dishonest  Elections — It  Keeps  Both  the 
Voters  and  the  Candidates  for  Office  Straight — A 
Commission  Form  of  Government  Act — Numerous 
Other  Measures  Passed  which  Introduced  Modern 
Methods  in  Place  of  Obsolete  Relics  of  Past  Years 
— One  of  the  Most  Remarkable  Records  of  Legisla 
tion  that  Has  Ever  Distinguished  a  Single  Legisla 
tive  Session  in  this  Country — J.  Lincoln  Steffens's 
Prophecy  Fulfilled. 

CHAPTER  VII 

ELEVATION    OF   THE   TONE    OP   PUBLIC    OFFICE    .  .  .    116 

Necessity  of  Inducing  the  Right  Men  to  Become  Po 
litical  Leaders  in  Order  that  we  may  Provide  a 
Stimulus  for  our  Legislators — What  Is  the  Greatest 
Service  which  Governor  Wilson  has  Rendered  to  the 
People  of  New  Jersey? — An  Opinion  Ventured  Con 
cerning  the  Final  Judgment  which  Historians  will 
Pass  on  Woodrow  Wilson — He  Bears  the  Distinction 
of  Being  the  First  Governor  to  Insist  on  Keeping  his 
Constituents  Informed  Concerning  the  Official  Con 
duct  of  their  Representatives — And  Some  of  the 
Lovers  of  Representative  Government  Threw  up  their 
Hands  at  such  a  Democratic  Innovation — The  Good 
Doctor's  Answer — Representative  Government  has 
Failed  to  Represent — There  is  Nothing  Unconstitu 
tional  in  Strides  toward  More  Democracy — Great 
Britain's  Democracy — Trusting  Executives  with 


xviii  CONTENTS 

PACK 

Greater  Power  will  Require  Greater  Caution  in 
Choosing  them — We  Must  "  Learn  to  Know  our 
Able  Men  " — Our  Obligations  to  our  Legislators  of 
which  we  Must  not  Be  Unmindful — They  Should 
not  be  Placed  under  Temptation,  when  we  Can 
Prevent  it — Various  Forms  of  Political  Knavery — 
Bribery,  in  Modern  Times,  the  Crudest  Form — We 
Cannot  Draw  a  General  Indictment  against  Public 
Officials — Many  Measure  up  to  their  Official  Respon 
sibilities;  Some  Are  Waking  up;  the  Honest  Stand 
patters;  and  those  who  Knowingly  Follow  the 
Wrong  Standards — A  Body-politic  can  Rise  no 
Higher  than  its  Fountain  Source — The  Main  Cur 
rents  in  Political  Life — Stimulation  Necessary — We 
Have  not  yet  Reached  a  Millennium  in  New  Jersey; 
but  there  are  Hopes  that  we  Shall  at  Least  Reach 
Salvation — This  Chapter  a  Sequel  to  Discoveries 
which  were  Made  by  the  Author  while  Collecting 
Material  for  this  Story — Some  Facts  which  Show 
that  Too  Often  the  Wires  have  been  Cut  between 
the  People  and  their  Representatives. 

CHAPTER  VIII 

THE    REACTION    ON    THE    BODY    POLITIC     ....    128 

A  Picture  of  Governor  Wilson's  Nation-wide  Influence 
— A  Good  Thing  Came  out  of  the  Land  of  Mos 
quitoes  and  Nazarenes — Who  Wants  Woodrow  Wil 
son  for  President? — Who  Does  not? — Why  Did  the 
New  Jersey  Assembly  Swing  Back? — The  Manipula 
tions  of  a  Bi-partisan  Machine — Essex  the  Pivotal 
Spot — The  Home  of  the  Former  Sunny  Jims — 
Revenge,  Sweet  Revenge — Political  Trading — Why 
the  Governor  would  not  Speak  in  Essex — The  Smith- 
Nugent  Machine  Ostensibly  Stripped  of  Representa 
tives  in  Trenton — By  Compromising  himself  the 
Governor  might  have  Had  a  Democratic  Legislature 
— Outside  Essex  the  Democrats  Gained — No  Post 
mortem  for  Woodrow  Wilson — Men  Faking  under 


CONTENTS  xix 

PAGE 

Cover  of  the  Democratic  Party  Cannot  Injure  him — 
The  Machines  Cannot  Undo  him — He  stands  Out 
"Like  Mars  at  Perihelion" — A  Republican  Legisla 
ture  Does  not  Worry  him — "  We  are  all  Sworn  to 
Serve  the  State,"  he  Says — Members  of  the  Legisla 
ture  Obligated  More  than  ever  before  to  Carry  out 
Platform  Pledges — Governor  Wilson  Has  a  Back-bone 
instead  of  a  Wish-bone — He  has  Brought  the  Ghost 
of  Popular  Government  back  to  Life — The  Warnings 
of  a  Statesman  who  Sees — We  Must  Remember 
History — The  Analysis  of  the  New  Jersey  Election 
by  those  who  Understand. 

CHAPTER  IX 

THE   TIME,   THE    PLACE,    AND   THE    MAN   ....    137 

What  Proves  that  the  Time  Is  Ripe  for  Change? — 
Reasons  for  Optimism  in  Political  Life — But  we 
Must  not  Overlook  Defects  in  our  Political  Organiza 
tion — Some  Grave  Problems  Requiring  Solution — 
New  Economic  Conditions — The  Economic  Question 
which  Concerns  us  Most:  the  Increase  in  the  Cost 
of  Living — A  Revision  of  the  Tariff  Necessary — 
The  Greatest  Test  of  the  Progress  of  any  Age — 
We  Can  only  Progress  through  the  Leadership  of 
Great  Men — We  Give  our  Measure  by  our  Attitude 
toward  them — Few  of  our  Greatest  Statesmen  Presi 
dents — Shall  History  Continue  to  Repeat  Itself? — 
Facts  we  Must  be  Sure  of,  before  we  Choose  a 
Leader — Continued  Reference  to  Governor  Wilson 
and  his  Views — What  he  Says  of  the  Tariff — He 
Would  not  Disturb  Anything  Honest — What  Is  the 
Trouble  with  Business? — Indefinite  Policies — Shap 
ing  Policies  to  Meet  Permanent  rather  than  Tem 
porary  Interests  of  Country — The  Question  of 
Reforming  the  Financial  System — The  Money  Mono 
poly,  the  Greatest  Question  of  All — Some  Pointed 
Questions  Concerning  it — An  Attempt  to  Answer 
them— The  Eighth  Wonder  of  the  World— Samuel 


xx  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Untermyer,  on  Governor  Wilson's  Famous  Harris- 
burg  Speech — Getting  at  the  Root  of  the  Money- 
Monopoly — The  Regulation  of  Corporations — Legit 
imate  and  Illegitimate  Corporations — Inadequacy 
of  the  Sherman  Anti-trust  Law — Restoration  of 
Business  by  Putting  it  on  a  Sound  Basis — Conserva 
tion — What  it  Means  in  its  Broadest  Application 
— Extension  of  Service  which  the  Government  shall 
Render  its  People — To  Realize  Popular  Government 
Machinery  of  Control  Must  be  Placed  in  People's 
Hands — Governor  Wilson  Does  not  Believe  in  the 
Recall  of  Judges — Is  he  a  Radical? — There  Is  a 
Conservative  Ring  in  his  Actions — Pays  Tribute  to 
American  People's  Sense  of  Justice  and  Practicality 
-The  Chief  Place  for  Political  Experiments-^ 
Woodrow  Wilson,  a  Friend  of  Organized  Labor — • 
A  People's  Man  before  he  Is  a  Party  Man — Prin 
ciples  of  Progressives  in  both  Parties  Practically 
Identical — Wilson  on  World  Peace — Time  Opportune 
for  a  Real  Leader  to  Come  Forward — But  Shall 
we  Recognize  him? — We  Have  not  Always  Been  Able 
to  Choose  the  Men  Best  Fitted  to  Lead  us — The 
Present  Time  Demands  Eternal  Vigilance  from  the 
American  People — The  Time — The  Place — The  Man 
— Democracy  Another  Word  for  Opportunity — What 
Have  we  a  Right  to  Expect  from  the  Democratic 
Party? — The  Business  of  the  National  Convention — 
Shall  it  Be  Possible  for  a  Faction  of  Special  Inter 
ests  to  Defeat  a  Man  of  the  People? — An  Infini 
tesimal  Inconsistency  in  Woodrow  Wilson's  Political 
Opinions  Disposed  of — The  Charge  of  Ingratitude 
Replied  To — What  Do  his  Achievements  Indicate? 
— A  Fearless  State  Spokesman  who  Would  Be 
a  Fearless  National  Voice — We  Need  a  Modern 
Justinian — We  Are  Clamoring  for  Leadership — 
Who  Is  Best  Fitted  to  Lead?  Woodrow  Wilson  Is 
a  Southern-Northerner  and  a  Northern-Southerner, 
a  Yankee-Doodle-Dixie  Candidate,  and  a  Thrust  at 
the  New  York  Sun — We  Return  to  Carlyle's 


CONTENTS  xxi 

PAGE 

Theory  Concerning  the  Placing  of  the  Man  of  In 
tellect  at  the  Head  of  Affairs — A  Picture  of  the 
Future  which  the  Author  Hopes  to  Live  to  See — 
A  Political  Love  Feast  which  Might  Follow  Woodrow 
Wilson's  Election  to  the  Presidency. 


ADDRESS  BY  GOV.  WOODROW  WILSON  AT  THE  ANNUAL 
BANQUET  OF  THE  ECONOMIC  CLUB  IN  THE  HOTEL 
ASTOK  ON  MAY  2>5?  1912 181 

SPEECH  MADE  BY  HON.  JOHN  W.  WESCOTT  OF  CAMDEN, 
NEW  JERSEY,  BEFORE  THE  DEMOCRATIC  NATIONAL 
CONVENTION,  BALTIMORE,  ON  JUNE  28,  1012  .  .  21(> 

SUPPLEMENT 224 

What  Representative  Newspapers,  Magazines,  and 
Prominent  Men  say  of  Woodrow  Wilson— Bibli 
ography  Used  by  the  Author: 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

WOODROW  WILSON'S  Published  Works,  and  United  States 
Senate  Reports,  Volume  10,  Fifty-third  Congress,  Second  Ses 
sion,  Serial  Number  3188. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

WOODROW  WILSON         ....    Frontispiece 

LIKE  C.*:SAR,  GOVERNOR  WILSON  PERSONALLY  EN 
COURAGED  EVERY  MAN  TO  Do  HIS  DUTY  .  .10 

IT  HAPPENED  FOR  ONCE  THAT  THE  BOSSES  FAILED  IN 

DISCRIMINATION 20 

WOODROW  WILSON  ON  THE  GOLF  LINKS,  SEPTEMBER 
1C,  1910,  WHEN  HE  RECEIVED  WORD  THAT  HE 
WAS  NOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW  JERSEY  32 

GOVERNOR-ELECT  WILSON,  DURING  THE  SMITH-MARTINE 

CONTEST 50 

THE  BIGGEST  ONE-MAN  POLITICIAN  IN  AMERICA, 
WHOM  GOVERNOR  WILSON  LICKED  .  .  .  53 

WOODROW  WILSON'S  BIRTH-PLACE,  STAUNTON,  VIRGINIA     59 

WOODROW     WILSON     AS     PRESIDENT    OF     PRINCETON 

WATCHING  A  PRINCETON- YALE  FOOTBALL  GAME  .     62 

GOVERNOR  WILSON  AND  HIS  FAMILY  .        .        .        .68 

OLD  NASSAU,  PRINCETON  UNIVERSITY,  WHERE  WOOD- 
ROW  WILSON  SPENT  TWELVE  YEARS  AS  A  PRO 
FESSOR  AND  EIGHT  YEARS  AS  PRESIDENT  .  .  78 

xxiii 


xxiv  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

WOODROW  WILSON,  AS  HE  APPEARED,  WHEN  FlGHTING 

FOR  DEMOCRATIC  RIGHTS,  AT  PRINCETON      .         .     82 

STATE  HOUSE,  TRENTON,  NEW  JERSEY,  WHERE  WOOD- 
ROW  WILSON  LITERALLY  DROVE  OUT  THE  POLITICAL 
BOSSES 104 

GOVERNOR  WILSON  ADDRESSING  AN  AUDIENCE  IN  NEW 

MEXICO 130 

WOODROW  WILSON  IN  PASADENA,  CALIFORNIA       .  184 

GOVERNOR  WILSON  AND  HIS  SECRETARY       .         .        .  154 

THE   MAN   OF   INTELLECT   AT  THE   TOP   OF   AFFAIRS  : 

THE  AIM  OF  ALL  CONSTITUTIONS  .  .  180 


Woodrow  Wilson 


CHAPTER  I 

MACHINE    VERSUS    POPULAR    GOVERNMENT 

"  There  are  certain  interested  people  going  round  saying  that 
I  am  trying  to  break  up  the  organization.  I  am  doing  nothing 
of  the  kind.  The  organization  they  mean  is  merely  a  clique 
of  politicians;  a  group  of  men  here  and  there,  who  are  com 
missioned  in  aid  of  special  and  private,  not  public  interests. 
They  are  neither  Republicans  nor  Democrats.  I  am  going  to 
fight  them  to  the  end.  They  are  getting  nervous,  not  because 
I  am  fighting  them,  but  because  you  are  on  to  them. 

"  The  main  object  of  what  we  are  attempting,  both  in  State 
and  Nation,  is  to  astablish  a  close  connection,  a  very  sensitive 
connection  between  the  people  and  their  governments;  both  in 
the  State  and  in  the  Nation,  in  order  that  we  may  restore  in 
such  wise  as  will  satisfy  us  again,  the  liberty  and  the  oppor 
tunity  in  whose  interests  our  governments  were  conceived. 

"  But  some  men  put  a  false  interpretation  upon  this.  There 
is  a  certain  unreasonable  fear  in  the  air  as  though  the  process 
we  have  been  going  through  were  in  some  degree  vindictive,  as 
if  there  had  been  bitter  feeling  in  it,  and  the  intention  to 
discredit  those  who  opposed  it. 

"  The  crash  of  political  organizations  has  been  only  the  crash 
of  those  who  did  not  comprehend,  or  resisted,  when  there  was 
no  right  reason  for  resisting,  and  forgot  that  their  very  reason 
for  being  was  that  they  might  serve  opinion  and  the  movement 
of  the  people's  will.  If  any  systems  of  political  practice  have 
collapsed,  only  those  have  collapsed  which  were  unsuitable  to 
the  objects  which  they  proposed  to  serve. 

"  We  are  no  longer  in  the  temper  of  attack.  We  are  ready 
for  remedy  and  adjustment,  and  begin  to  see  where  to  begin 
and  in  what  direction  to  move.  A  promise  of  statesmanship 
follows  a  threat  of  revolution.  There  can  be  no  mistaking  this. 
Programs  are  taking  the  place  of  Philippics,  and  programs  can 
be  soberly  examined  and  assessed,  as  unqualified  criticisms  and 
denunciation  cannot  be." — Extracts  from  political  addresses. 
WOODROW  WILSON. 


4  WOODROW  WILSON 

"  To  every  action  there  is  an  equal  action  in  an  oppo 
site  direction," — a  platitude  repeated  since  Galileo's  dis 
covery  !  But  all  truth  is  old.  In  all  countries  or  states 
where  representative  government  is  said  to  exist,  it  is 
organized  with  power  theoretically  well  balanced,  but 
the  political  pendulum  swings,  with  varying  degrees  of 
regularity,  according  to  social  and  economic  conditions, 
between  the  extremes  of  plutocracy  and  democracy.  If 
when  the  pendulum  reaches  the  latter  point  it  ever  finds 
civic  conscience  and  civic  consciousness  so  well  developed 
that  the  people  as  a  unit  can  be  trusted  to  choose  the  best 
and  to  maintain  it,  then  an  ideal  political  destiny  will 
be  in  sight,  and  the  energy  which  we  have  previously 
consumed  in  swinging  back  and  forth  in  a  cycle  of 
changes  w^ill  be  directed  toward  constructive  progress. 

Every  time  that  a  revival  of  democracy  takes  place, 
the  optimists  declare  that  we  have  advanced  beyond  party 
lines;  that  class  distinction  is  disappearing;  that  we  are 
beginning  to  recognize  that  the  welfare  of  the  whole 
depends  upon  the  moral  and  intellectual  virility  of  each 
member  of  a  commonwealth;  that  it  is  better  for  all 
men  to  be  free. 

Some  of  our  Utopian  friends  even  tell  us,  when  we  are 
passing  through  these  delightfully  stimulating  periods, 
that  the  interest  which  has  been  aroused  in  individuals 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER     5 

will  be  sustained,  and  that  they  can  be  depended  upon 
to  contribute  their  share  toward  the  perpetuation  of 
the  most  worthy  civic  standards,  even  after  the  leaders 
who  have  wrought  these  political  innovations  have  ceased 
to  exist.  We  perceive  a  keener  edge  on  our  patriotism 
and  we  entertain  a  hope  that  there  will  come  a  time 
when  each  citizen  will  do  his  part  toward  immortalizing 
the  principles  of  the  great.  We  characterize  each  era  of 
regeneration  as  a  "  New  Democracy."  If  we  could  be 
sure  of  an  ever  alert,  discriminating,  and  energetic  citi 
zenship  to  select  the  ablest  and  most  sincere  men  avail 
able  for  leadership,  and  we  could  rely  upon  our  citizens 
to  support  every  age  of  reform,  we  would  be  able  in  a 
not  far  distant  epoch  of  history  to  realize  a  democracy 
which  would  mean  the  whole  of  the  people,  not  a  part 
of  them ;  a  democracy  which  would  mean  free  men,  not 
owned  men.  Each  democratic  decade  brings  new  hope, 
but  like  every  institution,  democracy  brings  its  errors. 
De  Tocqueville  has  told  us  that  the  remedy  for  the 
evils  of  democracy  is  more  democracy.  Modern  experi 
ence  teaches  us  that  the  thoughtful  De  Tocqueville  was 
right.  The  plutocrats  will  emit  a  roar  at  such  doc 
trine  and  relegate  its  advocates  to  the  scrap-heap  of 
undesirable  citizens.  A  plutocrat  may  be  either  a  Re 
publican  or  a  Democrat  so  called;  for  there  are  Pluto- 


6  WOODROW  WILSON 

cratic  Democrats,  Democratic  Democrats,  Democratic 
Plutocrats,  and  Full-fledged  Plutocrats.  The  dyed-in-the- 
wool  plutocrat  is  rapidly  becoming  an  extinct  species, 
but  he  still  exists.  He  is  the  man  who  accepts  with 
reluctance  the  principles  of  manhood  suffrage.  He  looks 
upon  popular  education  half  heartedly,  half  suspecting 
that  it  may  arouse  a  discontent  among  the  masses,  which 
may  in  the  end  swamp  special  privilege.  He  regards 
approachable  legislatures  as  safety  valves  against  the 
encroachments  of  what  he  calls  the  "  mob."  He  believes 
in  "  judicious  bribery."  He  considers  the  boodle  which 
he  contributes  toward  this  purpose  a  part  of  his  chari 
table  duty,  to  shield  society  from  legislation  representa 
tive  of  the  envy  and  ignorance  of  the  masses.  He  suspects 
the  sincerity  of  radical  legislators,  and  when  they  begin 
to  sweep  down  cobwebs  in  our  State  capitols,  he  thinks 
their  action  a  signal  inviting  an  approach  from  the  in 
terests.  In  other  words,  he  would  make  us  believe  that 
reform  bodies  are  blackmailing  institutions,  which  extort 
money  from  corporations  under  threats  to  control  their 
relations  with  the  people. 

The  benevolent  plutocrats,  in  a  quicksand  of  despair, 
being  utterly  unable  to  appreciate  the  motives  and  char 
acters  of  those  who  honestly  strive  to  interpret  the  popu 
lar  will,  have  frequently  misunderstood  them.  Extreme 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER     1 

measures  have  been  resorted  to.  "  The  kingdoms  of  the 
world  and  the  glory  of  them  "  have  been  exhibited  from 
high  mountains ;  and  "  the  powers  that  be  "  confounded, 
when  these  temptations  have  been  resisted. 

We  still  regard  the  plutocrat  as  an  interesting  psycho 
logical  product.  He  would  return  to  the  days  of  feudal 
barons  if  he  could,  but  modern  society  won't  let  him. 
He  laughs  at  the  attempts  of  democracy  to  equalize  oppor 
tunity,  by  creating  a  political  and  industrial  freedom 
where  every  individual  shall  be  given  his  best  chance. 
He  insists  that  the  plain  people  shall  be  kept  in  fear 
and  awe  of  the  possessors  of  wealth,  who  are  to  be 
revered  as  the  accumulators  of  the  world's  money,  wis 
dom,  and  everything  else  worth  while.  In  fact,  the 
sacredness  of  wealth  is  to  be  upheld  over  every  other 
institution. 

One  of  our  mighty  moneyed  men,  in  a  moment  of 
vehement  outrage,  during  a  wave  of  political  house- 
cleaning,  protested  thus: 

"  I  make  it  a  rule  never,  except  when  talking  with 
members  of  my  own  class,  to  speak  harshly  of  even  such 
rich  men  as  the  late  Jay  Gould,  for  fear  that  what  I 
say  may  cause  suspicion  about  the  great  institution  of 
wealth  itself.  If  I  think  it  is  not  divinely  ordained,  but 
is  the  product  of  rare  ability  and  hardness  in  the  struggle 
of  life,  I  don't  want  my  coachman  to  know  it.  I  prefer 


8  WOODROW  WILSON 

to  have  him  think  that  I  am  a  better  man  than  he  is, 
and  therefore  have  more  money.    And  I  am,  too." 

In  other  words,  this  holier-than-thou,  self-sufficient,  and 
superior  human  being,  not  made  a  little  lower  than  the 
angels,  but  belonging  in,  or  to  a  stratum  above  them, 
would  smother  any  sentiment  which  encourages  men  to 
think  for  themselves,  and  he  would  suppress  as  dangerous 
any  influence  which  propels  forces  of  constructive  dis 
content.  Such  an  individual  would  keep  the  shutters  of 
society  closed  and  the  curtains  drawn,  that  its  faults 
might  not  be  nakedly  exposed  outside  the  inner  shrine. 

But  the  Napoleons  of  power  deceive  themselves.  The 
people  may  be  cheated,  but  not  fooled.  The  knights  of 
plutocracy  have  a  childlike  faith  in  the  dupability  of 
mankind.  Thej  proclaim  to  the  lawmakers  how  neces 
sary  it  is  that  they  shall  be  protected  from  the  hostility 
of  the  muckrakers  and  the  mob,  in  order  to  stimulate 
business  and  preserve  prosperity.  They  appeal  to  the 
gullible  voters,  by  attempting  to  make  them  believe  that 
the  people  get  the  lion's  share  of  the  prosperity.  In 
times  past,  there  has  been  enough  money  circulated  to 
verify  this  impression,  particularly  at  election  time. 
Flexible  statistics  have  been  released  from  cold  storage, 
and  the  batteries  of  political  rings  recharged. 

We  have  heard  much,  past  and  present,  of  government 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER     9 

by  political  machines;  more  than  we  are  ever  to  hear 
again  if  the  progress  which  we  are  making  is  a  true 
indication  of  the  eventual  restoration  of  popular  rights. 

Many  have  confused  honest  party  organization,  which  is 
representative,  with  corrupt  machine  government,  which 
is  misrepresentative.  A  comparison  will  show  a  wide 
divergence  of  purposes.  The  organization  is  responsive 
to  the  popular  sentiment  of  its  party.  The  machine 
regards  the  party  as  an  efficient  instrument  through 
which  a  few  special  interests  may  secure  immunities  and 
privileges.  The  organization  seeks*  to  serve  the  people's 
interests,  according  to  its  best  understanding  of  them, 
by  incorporating  the  principles  and  ideas  of  its  party 
into  stable  government.  The  machine  does  not  keep  faith 
with  the  people,  but  places  its  own  party  in  jeopardy, 
through  the  violation  of  platform  pledges.  Every  one 
recognizes  the  necessity  of  party  organization,  which  is 
legitimate,  so  long  as  its  prime  object  is  to  serve  the 
people.  When  an  organization  deteriorates  and  becomes 
an  obnoxious  machine,  then  it  is  individuals  who  are  at 
fault,  and  the  party  is  not  responsible.  Following  in 
the  footsteps  of  our  "  real  Governor,"  we  have  no 
quarrel  in  this  volume  with  any  organization  whose 
purpose  is  to  uphold  honestly  the  traditions  and  the 
political  creed  of  the  party  which  it  represents.  In- 


10  WOODROW  WILSON 

stead,  we  prefer  to  support  enthusiastically  such  patriotic 
efforts. 

With  the  hope  that  machines  now  in  existence  will 
send  their  wayward  bosses  to  camp-meeting  to  reform, 
that  they  may  become  healthy  and  useful  organizations, 
a  picture  of  machine  government,  ancient  and  modern, 
is  here  drawn. 

In  the  first  place  all  governments  have  resulted  from 
the  inherent  tendency  of  society  to  organize  for  the 
furtherance  of  its  purposes,  legitimate  and  otherwise.  It 
would  be  difficult  to  say  when  honest  organization  was 
first  supplanted  by  the  mighty  movement  of  machine 
domination.  Perhaps  Pharaoh  was  the  creator  of  this 
infernal  institution,  and  an  account  of  the  antechamber 
conference  between  him  and  the  militant  reformer,  Moses, 
with  the  astute  Aaron  present,  flaunting  his  magical  rod, 
and  offering  here  and  there  a  suggestion,  might  be  illumi 
nating.  Possibly  this  incident  even  afforded  an  inspira 
tion  for  the  wielders  of  the  waving  "  big  stick  "  of  recent 
years.  We  remember  with  satisfaction  the  punishment 
which  the  unrelenting  Pharaoh  received,  but  the  ten 
plagues  laid  upon  the  Egyptians  were  not  to  be  com 
pared  in  their  disciplinary  effects  with  the  weapons  of 
popular  government  hurled  relentlessly  at  the  heads  of 
our  about-to-be-dethroned  modern  bosses  and  their  power- 


Like  Caesar,  Governor  Wilson  personal!}'  encouraged  every  man  to  do 
his  duty. 

The  smile  of  the  Governor  makes  friends  for  him  and  it  will  make  votes 
for  him  too. 


Copyright,  Underwood   and    Underwood,    New   York. 

"kContrary  to  the  general  belief,  I  am  an  organization  man.  It  depends, 
however,  upon  what  that  organization  is  for.  If  an  organization  is 
privately  owned,  I  am  not  for  it.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  used  as  a 
means  of  expressing  the  views  of  the  people,  I  am  certainly  in  favor  of  it." 
—  Woodrow  Wilson. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         11 

ful  official  and  industrial  allies.  These  weapons  are  the 
direct  primary,  initiative,  referendum,  recall,  short  bal 
lot,  modern  corrupt  practices  laws,  and  the  probability 
of  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by  a  strictly 
popular  vote.  Within  the  next  few  years  after  these 
defensive  measures  have  been  thoroughly  tested,  we  shall 
know  whether  machine  government  has  met  its  doom  or 
whether  "  We  have  scotched  the  snake,  not  killed  it." 

For  many  years  self-respecting  private  citizens  have 
resented  living  under  municipal  and  state  administra 
tions,  and  we  may  almost  say,  a  national  government 
controlled  by  the  political,  financial,  and  social  combina 
tions  seeking  exclusively  the  prosperity  of  the  special 
interests,  and  the  promotion  to  high  offices  of  ambitious 
money  changers  of  the  temple  of  the  Stock  Exchange. 
But  the  Americans  are  an  ingenious  people,  and  by  study 
ing  the  experimental  features  of  other  nations,  and  by 
observing  the  progress  of  many  of  our  own  States,  we 
are  discovering  means  whereby  we  may  insure  the  per 
manent  existence  of  a  democratic  republic,  with  the  high 
est  degree  of  personal  liberty  compatible  with  the  general 
interest. 

The  enemies  of  machine  government  tell  us  that  its 
destruction  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  a  govern 
ment  by,  for,  and  of  the  people.  By  a  strange  coinci- 


12  WOODROW  WILSON 

dence  these  enemies  of  the  machine  are  friends  of 
democracy.  They  have  the  situation  figured  out  thus.  A 
machine  is  only  able  to  sustain  a  strain  that  is  equal  to 
the  strength  of  its  weakest  part.  There  are  four  elements 
indispensable  to  the  existence  of  a  political  machine: 
The  Kings  of  finance  +  the  political  bosses  +  the  interest- 
owned  public  officials  +  the  people  who  don't  care  =  the 
political  machine.  The  financial  masters  are  the  prime 
movers  of  the  special  interests,  men  of  aggressive,  though 
agreeable  personalities,  disciples  of  Jupiter,  ordained  to 
rule,  Hydra-brained,  with  tongues  as  smooth  as  mercury, 
and  gifted  with  that  marvellous  insight  into  character 
which  enables  them  to  win  the  confidence  of  men  and  to 
appoint  political  bosses  who  will  deliver  successfully  "  the 
golden  apples  of  the  Hesperides."  To  complete  the  ma 
chine  the  middle-man  or  boss  must  be  able  to  depend 
upon  a  large  body  of  subservient  legislators  and  other 
officials,  gravely  thinking  about  nothing,  and  a  body 
politic,  the  majority  of  which  is  in  a  jellylike,  comatose 
condition. 

He  is  the  best  boss  who  has  at  his  command  the  largest 
number  of  legislative  puppets,  who  never  fail  to  carry 
out  the  will  of  their  dictator.  With  the  labors  of  Her 
cules  on  his  shoulders,  the  boss  must  be  a  man  of  some 
parts;  a  charming  companion,  but  an  autocrat,  who  can 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         13 

make  the  best  use  of  campaign  funds,  dictate  nomina 
tions,  control  committees,  engineer  elections,  i  influence ' 
the  press,  and  even  create  circumstances  which  will  perfect 
the  work  of  his  organization  to  the  minutest  detail.  (And 
the  taxpayer  pays  the  bills.)  The  boss  is  never  a  king 
among  men,  but  frequently  he  is  a  czar.  He  is  never  a 
true  leader,  but  often  he  is  a  driver.  Like  the  centurion 
of  Scripture,  he  must  be  able  to  say,  "  I  am  a  man  under 
authority,  having  soldiers  under  me,  and  I  say  to  this 
man  '  Go/  and  he  goeth ;  and  to  another  '  Come/  and  he 
cometh ;  and  to  my  servant,  (  Do  this/  and  he  doeth  it." 

It  is  apparent  from  this  analysis  of  political  machinery 
that  the  weakest  essentials  of  the  machine's  anatomy,  in 
future,  when  we  learn  how  to  use  effectively  the  instru 
ments  of  popular  government,  will  be  those  who  make 
the  laws  and  the  electors  who  vote  for  them.  In  the 
State  of  New  Jersey,  an  executive  who  refuses  to  take 
orders,  and  a  few  reformers,  almost  as  scarce  as  were 
the  righteous  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  are  responsible 
for  this  civic  regeneration,  now  in  the  process  of 
development. 

Since  the  people  and  the  lawmakers  are  the  two  chief 
sources  of  strength  underlying  machine-made  govern 
ment,  and  there  have  been  recently  exhibited  through  an 
awakened  public  conscience  evidences  of  a  tottering 


14  WOODROW  WILSON 

foundation,  the  outlook  is  encouraging.  It  looks  as  if 
the  prophecy  of  the  late  Mayor  Jones  of  Toledo,  Ohio, 
would  be  fulfilled :  "  The  political  kings1  or  bosses  must 
go  to  work  and  earn  their  living  with  the  rest." 

Thus  the  bosses,  if  they  have  not  been  so  long  in  the 
harness  that  their  present  habits  have  become  incurable 
manias,  may  reform ;  and  free  from  their  unholy  alliances 
with  captains  of  industry,  they  may  use  their  political 
experience  to  serve  their  State  and  country  as  they  should 
be  served,  thereby  avoiding  the  embarrassment  of  be 
ing  forcibly  ejected  by  their  public-spirited  contempo 
raries.  Perhaps  if  they  can  be  induced  to  believe  that 
the  institution  which  they  represent  has  outlived  its  use 
fulness,  they  will  vote  to  abolish  their  own  dictatorships, 
and  so  make  themselves  popular. 

In  fact,  the  bosses,  with  their  expert  knowledge,  might 
be  able  to  see  better  reasons  for  their  own  dethronement 
than  we  mere  mortals  could  ever  discover.  For  instance, 
they  might  be  able  to  tell  us  why  it  would  be  better  to 
elect  officials  to  act  as  free  agents,  who  would  be  respon 
sible  to  the  people,  than  to  elect  men  who  would  willingly 
be  "  jerked  about  by  unseen  wires,"  behind  the  scenes 
of  the  legislative  stage.  Perhaps  they  could  inform  us 
why  corporations  prefer  to  deal  with  legislators  under 
the  discipline  of  the  machine  bogey,  rather  than  with  law- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         15 

makers  of  free  thought  and  independent  action.  We 
might  learn  from  them  why  those  identified  with  the 
special  interests  are  almost  universally  opposed  to  the 
modern  reform  institutions  mentioned  before  in  this 
chapter. 

If  the  benevolent  motives  of  the  few,  who  constitute 
self-appointed  committees  to  look  after  the  interests  of 
the  many,  exceed  their  desires  for  personal  advantage, 
why  do  they  not  cover  themselves  with  glory  by  en 
couraging  the  measures  of  self-government,  so  as  to 
stimulate  individuals  to  think  for  themselves,  thereby 
relieving  the  Incorporated  Society  of  Manufactured 
Thought  of  much  of  its  labor?  Some  of  us  who  are 
gravely  interested  would  like  to  know  why  the  bosses  of 
both  parties  fly  to  each  other's  rescue  when  an  alarm  of 
people's  rights  is  sounded.  Still  others  of  us  are  anxious 
for  information  as  to  why  Executives  in  many  States 
(not  New  Jersey,  1911,  or  a  few  other  progressive  States 
still  permitted  space  on  the  maps)  continue  to  appoint 
to  lucrative  offices  only  men  considered  safe  and  sane  by 
the  special  interests.  Then  again,  the  discovery  has  been 
made  that  in  every  place  where  gross  election  frauds 
have  been  exposed,  the  political  machine  has  fortified  the 
corrupt  practices  by  a  Chinese  wall. 

So  much  for  generalites,  before  we  proceed  to  person- 


16  WOODROW  WILSON 

alities.  But  here  we  beg  to  invite  students  of  political 
problems  to  come  to  New  Jersey  to  study  history  and 
the  machinations  of  a  system,  the  methods  and  in 
fluences  of  which  have  ramified  not  only  to  every  section 
of  this  State,  but  to  many  other  States  and  even  to  the 
nation. 

Eight  here  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  ask  local 
questions.  Hence  we  inquire  why  the  support  of  the 
State  Democratic  machine  disappeared  as  magically  as 
a  witch's  wand  when  the  Governor-Elect  chose  to  keep 
his  pledges  to  the  people?  We  may  be  able  to  answer 
this  question  ourselves,  because  simultaneously  with  such 
an  event  as  is  here  described  we  heard  something  drop 
in  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  It  was  a  former  United 
States  Senator,  the  Honorable  James  Smith,  Jr.,  who, 
rumor  has  it,  was  made  of  enamel  leather,  coated  with 
sugar,  and  he  struck  hard  on  the  pavement  of  public 
opinion.  But  more  of  him  hereafter. 

A  few  months  later  our  Democratic  State  Chairman, 
who,  by  the  way,  is  a  nephew  of  our  veteran  ex-boss, 
founded  the  New  Jersey  Branch  of  the  Ananias  Club,  at 
which  time  he  proposed  the  name  of  Governor  Wilson, 
who  was  declared  ineligible  for  membership,  on  the 
ground  that  he  had  kept  every  promise  which  he  had 
made  to  the  people  of  the  State.  Now  James  Nugent, 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         17 

for  that  was  the  Chairman's  name,  is  an  ex-State  Chair 
man  with  the  accent  on  the  Ex. 

It  happened  this  way.  Comrade  "  Jim "  Nugent  and 
the  Governor  had  failed  to  see  things  alike.  Mr.  Nugent 
thought  that  the  State  government  should  serve  the 
machine  and  its  purposes,  while  the  Governor  said  that 
it  should  serve  the  people,  whereupon  Chairman  Jim  told 
the  Governor  that  he  was  no  gentleman.  So  when  the 
Chairman  gave  a  little  birthday  dinner,  the  Governor 
could  not  be  invited,  because  Mr.  Nugent  only  associates 
with  gentlemen  who  measure  up  to  his  standard.  Here 
the  State  Chairman  proposed  a  slanderous  toast  to  the 
Governor,  which  his  guests,  though  gentlemen,  had  the 
courage  to  resent,  and  because  no  one  would  drink  with 
Mr.  Nugent,  he  drank  alone.  Since  then  he  has  been 
unkindly  dubbed,  "  Driiik-alone-Jim."  The  State  Com 
mittee  elected  a  new  State  Chairman.  If  Mr.  Nugent  has 
any  spare  time  he  might  read  with  profit  the  fable  of 
"  The  Fly  on  the  Bull's  Horn." 

Since  the  purpose  of  this  book  is  to  tell  the  story  of 
the  civic  regeneration  of  New  Jersey,  a  few  facts  of 
State  history,  to  bear  our  generalities,  may  be  of  interest. 
Our  State  pride  assures  us  that  no  matter  how  deeply 
we  may  have  allowed  ourselves  to  become  submerged 
at  times,  in  a  political  rut  of  vaporous  haze,  some  of  us 


18  WOOD  ROW  WILSON 

have  always  been  able  to  see  over  the  rim,  and  to  catch 
a  glimpse  of  individual  rights  as  they  should  exist,  in 
time  to  dispel  the  mists  of  a  vitiated  atmosphere,  and 
to  create  a  stimulus  for  the  bracing  breezes  which  are 
sure  to  follow  the  injection  of  ozone  into  political  life. 

J.  Lincoln  Steffens  wielded  a  prophetic  pen  when  he 
wrote  in  1905,  "  New  Jersey's  real  fight  has  just  begun. 
Your  machine  and  your  corrupt  special  interests  are 
not  thoroughly  aroused  yet,  but  they  will  be  awakened 
to  a  true  sense  of  the  situation.  New  Jersey  will  be 
one  of  the  first  three  States  to  get  out  of  the  hole/' 
We  hope  later  on  in  this  volume  to  prove  that  New 
Jersey  was  number  one  of  the  States  to  which  Mr. 
Steffens  referred.  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  were 
on  his  list. 

At  the  outset  it  must  be  admitted  that  back  of  all 
anemic  and  corrupt  conditions  in  government  lie  the 
apathy  and  indifference  of  those  who  do  not  interest 
themselves  in  politics.  This  class  is  wholly  responsible 
for  machine  government  and  its  attendant  evils,  and  we 
still  have  left  in  our  own  State  many  citizens  belong 
ing  to  the  indifferent  and  the  ignorant  types.  A  cosmo 
politan  population,  containing  a  large  foreign  element, 
easily  controlled  by  political  machines,  and,  incidentally, 
a  constituency  which  prefers  golf  on  Election  Day  to 


NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER  19 

a  half-hour  at  the  polls,  presents  sociological  conditions 
of  a  most  complicated  character. 

Naturally  we  like  to  blame  fate  for  the  greatest  number 
of  our  misfortunes;  probably  because  we  know  that  she 
will  not  shirk  the  responsibility,  and  it  is  the  easiest 
way  for  us  to  apologize  for  our  own  deficiencies.  So 
the  physiography  of  New  Jersey  has  been  blamed  for 
much  of  the  civic  lethargy  of  our  citizens,  and  an  im 
pertinent  non-resident  observer  has  given  us  a  thrilling 
shock  by  accusing  a  majority  of  Jerseyites  of  doing  their 
thinking  in  New  York  and  their  voting  in  New  Jersey. 
Perhaps  that  is  why  a  few  reforms  began  in  New  York 
before  they  got  started  in  New  Jersey.  While  we  ap 
plaud  our  critic's  sentiments  more  than  his  good  man 
ners,  we  shall  respond  to  the  criticism  by  saying  that 
we  do  most  of  our  thinking  when  under  the  stimulation 
of  a  wise  and  unselfish  leadership,  perhaps  because  we 
know  that  only  through  practical  guidance  can  we  hope 
to  realize  our  ideals  of  political  progress. 

We  exclaim  with  Carlyle:  "We  cannot  do  without 
great  men,"  although  we  become  discouraged  at  times 
because  we  have  had  such  forgeries.  "  So  many  base 
plated  coins  passing  in  the  market,  the  belief  has  now 
become  common  that  no  gold  any  longer  exists,  and  even 
that  we  can  do  very  well  without  gold."  At  such  periods 


20  WOODROW  WILSON 

when  man  loses  hope,  Nature  brings  forth  a  true  son 
of  reform,  "  working  in  a  mysterious  way  its  wonders 
to  perform,"  sometimes  through  such  crooked  channels 
as  corrupt  political  machines,  which  occasionally  bring 
forward  strangers  into  politics,  supposed  to  be  un 
sophisticated  in  the  arena  of  the  political  game;  thereby 
"  entertaining  angels  unawares." 

The  great  body  of  independent  voters  from  which  all 
progressive  movements  take  their  beginnings,  and  in 
whose  hands  the  main  leverage  of  all  reform  rests,  rises 
up,  half  hopeful,  half  distrustful,  and  casts  its  lot  with 
the  side  least  under  suspicion,  wondering  if  "  any  good 
thing  can  come  out  of  Nazareth."  Generally  when  the 
people  are  passing  through  these  crucial  stages  they 
choose  wisely;  hence  proving  their  right  to  self-govern 
ment  in  all  that  this  comprehensive  term  implies.  Re 
cently  we  have  had  in  our  own  State  a  striking  example 
of  such  an  historical  incident,  followed  by  a  reaction, 
which  indicates  that  our  political  institutions  have,  at 
last,  been  thoroughly  cleaned  up,  although  some  of  the 
people  are  not  quite  ready  to  use  aggressively  the 
numerous  instruments  of  reform  recently  placed  in  their 
hands.  But  we  have  secured  the  entering  wedge,  broken  the 
ground,  and  in  the  end  we  will  plough  through,  although 
we  have  been  in  the  dark  so  long  that  at  first  the  light 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         21 

hurts  our  eyes.  Our  incipient  experience  is  not  surpris 
ing.  We  must  rise  to  the  occasion  and  use  our  new 
tools,  not  let  them  rust.  Never  before  in  the  modern 
chronicles  of  the  commonwealth  has  there  been  such  an 
opportunity  for  the  people  of  New  Jersey  to  exercise 
the  rights  of  free  government  as  exists  to-day.  Never 
before  has  there  been  such  an  opportunity  for  the 
State  to  test  the  fitness  of  its  people  for  democratic 
government. 

And  this  unique  epoch  of  history,  in  a  State  where, 
for  nearly  a  half  century,  careful  scrutiny  of  facts  shows 
that  representative  government  has  been  only  a  name, 
leads  us  to  the  interesting  story  of  the  entrance  into 
politics  of  Woodrow  Wilson,  the  scholar-governor,  who 
has,  as  we  shall  later  see,  studied  politics  according  to 
the  facts  rather  than  the  theories  involved.  That  his 
arrival  in  the  political  world  was  timely  is  proven  by  the 
failure  of  the  seventeen-year-locust  to  return  to  us  in 
1910-11.  How  we  escaped  this  visitation  will  be  told 
later  in  our  story. 


CHAPTER  II 

GOVERNOR   WILSON'S   NOMINATION   AND   ELECTION:   A   UNIQUE 

CAMPAIGN 

"  The  Princeton  sage  is  the  man  of  the  hour  and  the  medium 
by  which  the  Democratic  party  is  to  have  its  hunger  for  the 
plums  of  victory  appeased  after  so  long  a  wait." — JAMES  SMITH, 
JR.,  ex-United  States  Senator.  August  13,  1910. 

"  The  key-note  of  this  campaign  is  to  give  the  people  access 
of  their  own  government." — From  a  campaign  speech  made  by 
WOODROW  WILSON. 

How  could  the  man  who  sounded  the  trumpet  of  free 
dom,  echoed  by  the  latter  utterance,  have  been  nominated 
for  the  high,  office  of  Governor,  at  the  dictation  of  the 
champion  State  boss  and  his  retainers?  And  thereby 
hangs  a  tale. 

When  I  began  to  write  this  story  I  was  under  the 
impression  that  machine  politicians  discovered  Woodrow 
Wilson,  but  an  investigation  proved,  as  we  shall  later 
see,  that  it  was  through  his  published  works  and  public 
addresses  that  he  revealed  his  capacity  for  a  career  of 
statesmanship. 

It  was  really  the  best  people  in  America,  and  not  any 

22 


NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER  23 

individual,  who  discovered  Woodrow  Wilson,  although 
a  political  machine  did  bring  him  forward.  We  be 
lieve,  however,  that  this  action  was  partly  due  to  a 
strong  popular  sentiment  in  his  favor. 

In  an  interview  with  the  Governor,  I  ventured  to  say, 
"  The  machine  in  New  Jersey  did  one  splendid  thing  for 
our  State  which  should  never  be  forgotten." 

The  Governor  looked  at  me  inquiringly. 

"  That  was  when  it  nominated  you  for  Governor." 

"  They  would  never  do  it  again  though,"  he  said 
smilingly. 

Of  course  every  one  in  the  United  States,  who  reads 
the  newspapers,  knows  by  this  time  why  the  old  Smith- 
Nugent  machine,  of  New  Jersey,  would  never  again  con 
sciously  render  any  more  favors  to  Woodrow  Wilson, 
A.B.,  A.M.,  LL.B.,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  and  Litt.D.,  whose  degree 
G.  N.  J.  would  never  have  been  conferred  except  for  the 
kind  offices  of  our  sugar-coated  ex-United  States  Senator 
and  his  lonesome  nephew,  James  Nugent,  who  is  now 
undergoing  political  ostracism. 

It  seems  hardly  just  to  the  interests  of  the  State  and 
the  nation  that  such  splendid  press  agents  for  our  great 
Governor  should  be  in  any  way  restrained.  These  two 
gentlemen  have  given  our  executive  much  valuable  adver 
tising;  and  if  they  were  to  be  allowed  to  go  on  hurling 


24  WOODROW  WILSON 

their  verbal  artillery  at  the  head  of  our  State  House 
captain,  they  might  help  to  make  him  President  of  the 
United  States  as  unintentionally  as  they  intentionally 
made  him  Governor  of  New  Jersey. 

The  incidents  connected  with  Governor  Wilson's  nomi 
nation  always  reminded  me  of  a  story  of  a  tornado  which 
once  struck  a  one-ring  circus  in  Georgia.  The  main  top 
was  blown  down,  the  menagerie's  tent  was  destroyed,  all 
the  cages  were  upset,  and  the  animals  escaped.  The 
management  huddled  about  a  stove  in  a  cross-roads  store 
and  peered  pessimistically  into  a  dismal  future.  The 
chances  were  they  would  never  get  the  animals  back.  By 
and  by  a  negro  approached. 

"Did  you-all  lose  a  giraffe?"  he  asked. 

"  We  lost  everything,"  said  the  manager  shortly,  "  but 
we  will  pay  you  if  you  get  the  giraffe  back." 

Sambo  left,  with  a  promise  to  bring  the  animal,  remark 
ing  of  the  latter  that  he  was  "  a  powahful  bad-tempered 
creature,"  and  that  he  had  bitten  the  poor  colored  man 
ferociously.  The  manager  explained  that  giraffes  kick 
but  never  bite.  Then  he  assured  Sambo  of  a  liberal  re 
ward.  In  a  few  minutes  the  negro  returned  leading  by 
a  rope  around  his  neck  the  strongest  lion  in  captivity. 

"Wo  'a,"  said  Sambo  jerking  at  the  rope,  "gimme 
mah  money,  heah  's  youah  giraffe  and  he  bites." 


'AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         25 

Since  ex-Governor  George  T.  Wert's  time,  1893-96,  the 
Democratic  party  of  New  Jersey  had  dwindled  into  a 
one-ring  circus.  Several  times  their  tents  had  been 
struck  by  the  greed  and  wealth  of  both  great  political 
machines.  Some  of  their  showiest  attractions,  George 
L.  Record,  for  instance,  had  escaped,  followed  the  Jumbo 
of  the  Republican  party,  and  taken  refuge  in  the  pro 
gressive  side-show  of  that  organization.  Naturally,  when 
machine  government  under  the  auspices  of  the  Republican 
party  for  sixteen  years  failed  to  furnish  the  people  a 
show  worth  their  money  a  clamor  of  discontent  prevailed. 
The  Democrats,  with  the  opportunity  thus  created  by 
their  discredited  opponents,  resolved  to  rehabilitate  their 
circus  and  to  cast  their  eyes  about  for  a  political  ring 
master.  A  few  of  the  managers,  who  regarded  honesty 
as  a  lost  virtue,  preferred  an  executive  of  the  giraffe 
type,  who  would  kick,  but  not  bite.  These  Democratic 
leaders,  so-called,  went  in  search  of  a  biped  who  would 
kick  only  just  enough  to  make  the  people  think  that 
he  wanted  a  reform,  but  without  really  meaning  busi 
ness, — a  process  which  some  previous  governors  had  put 
over  us. 

But  it  happened  for  once  that  the  bosses  failed  in 
discrimination,  and  as  they  had  trusted  in  their  own 
judgment  so  long,  they  did  not  take  a  mind-reader  or 


26  WOODROW  WILSON 

clairvoyant  along  when  they  went  to  interview  Doctor 
Wilson.  And  so  it  came  to  pass,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord,  One  Thousand  Nine  Hundred  and  Ten,  that  this 
Democratic  machine  brought  forth  a  political  lion,  who 
could  not  be  caged  in  the  State  House  by  either  Board 
of  Guardians ;  who  esteemed  his  obligations  to  his  country 
to  be  greater  than  his  obligations  to  a  group  of  indi 
viduals;  who  could  soar  high  in  the  realms  of  prosaic 
theory  and  descend  with  equal  grace  and  ease  without 
the  loss  of  force  to  practical  action ;  whose  faculties  were 
so  trained  that  the  meeting  of  emergencies  was  only 
necessary  recreation,  whose  insight  into  character  and 
power  to  analyze  men  and  their  motives  resulted  in  nu 
merous  revival  meetings,  in  both  political  parties,  not 
only  during  his  campaign,  but  after  his  election,  which 
proved  that  his  converts  were  not  of  the  backslider's 
type.  And  so  it  is  predicted  by  those  who  have  worked 
with  this  leader,  who  leads,  not  by  making  men  think 
what  he  thinks,  but  by  making  men  think  for  themselves, 
that  he  will  go  right  on  making  good,  demonstrating  his 
capacity  for  managing  practical  affairs,  and  proving  that 
virtue  in  statesmanship  is  not  a  lost  art,  until  the  Demo 
cratic  party  will  be  convinced  that  it  can  trust  Woodrow 
Wilson,  a  Democrat  from  the  top  of  his  head  to  the 
soles  of  his  feet,  to  become  its  guide,  with  the  assurance 


Copyright,    Underwood,    New    York. 

But  it  happened  for  once  that  the  bosses  failed  in  discrimination,  and,  as 
they  had  trusted  in  their  own  judgment  so  long,  they  did  not  take  a  mind- 
reader  or  clairvoyant  along  when  they  went  to  interview  Doctor  Wilson 
concerning  his  possible  candidacy  for  the  Governorship. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         27 

that  the  disciples  of  Jefferson,  Jackson,  Tilden,  and 
Cleveland  will  not  get  lost  in  the  woods. 

Such  is  the  story  of  the  "  scholar's  "  advent  into  poli 
tics,  now  said  to  be  "  the  literary  man  in  politics."  Those 
who  have  read  Doctor  Wilson's  Congressional  Govern 
ment,  published  when  he  was  twenty -nine,  The  State, 
History  of  the  American  People,  Constitutional  Govern 
ment  in  the  United  States,  and  numerous  other  literary 
productions  pertaining  to  political  and  historical  problems 
of  government  and  their  solution,  are  able  to  see  why 
the  political  world  attracted  him.  The  corollary,  why 
Doctor  Wilson  attracted  the  political  world,  is  of  even 
greater  interest.  Many  college  professors  have  written 
books  on  political  science,  many  have  achieved  notable 
distinction  in  this  field,  and  some  of  our  most  worthy 
ones  have  filled  public  offices  admirably  and  discharged 
the  duties  of  ambassadorships  most  efficiently,  but  Gov 
ernor  Wilson  is  the  first  university  president  to  travel 
with  lightning  rapidity  from  the  place  of  academic 
executive  to  possible  President  of  the  United  States. 
Interest  centres  in  the  remarkable  development  of  a  man 
of  such  parts  that  he  has  drawn  the  attention  as  a 
desirable  Presidential  candidate  of  a  large  number  of 
both  conservatives  and  radicals  from  ocean  to  ocean. 

Much  of  the  history  of  this  unique  national  figure  is 


28  WOODROW.  WILSON 

reserved  for  other  chapters,  but  the  story  of  his  nomina 
tion,  as  the  reader  has  already  discerned,  may  be  summed 
up  in  this :  the  Democratic  machine-men  believed  that  they 
had  in  their  midst  a  theorist  of  statesman-like  ideals, 
but  who,  when  translated  to  the  field  of  practical  politics, 
would  prove  himself  a  politician  in  swaddling  clothes; 
honest,  perhaps,  but  easily  blind-folded,  tame,  manage 
able,  and  perfectly  harmless,  in  all  that  the  word  "  harm 
less  "  means,  as  interpreted  by  the  State  bosses,  or  the 
would-be  bosses,  as  we  say  now. 

So  it  was  an  occasion  for  great  rejoicing  when  the 
good  Doctor  gave  out  the  assurance  to  a  party  of  over- 
solicitous  friends,  on  July  15,  1910,  that  he  would  become 
a  candidate  for  Governor  of  New  Jersey,  if  it  were  the 
Wish  and  hope  of  a  majority  of  thoughtful  Democrats 
that  he  should  accept  the  nomination.  It  must  be  re 
membered  that  the  office  sought  the  man  first,  last,  and 
all  the  time. 

Many  thought,  at  this  time,  that  back  of  Doctor  Wil 
son's  nomination  was  concealed  the  most  desperate 
struggle  for  the  control  of  the  nation  by  the  Democratic 
party  since  the  "  Gum-shoe "  campaign  of  Parker  in 
1904.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  plans  of  the  bosses 
the  spirit  of  their  dreams  was  destined  to  be  changed. 

When  the  announcement  of  Doctor  Wilson's  nomina- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         29 

tion  was  made  no  one  in  the  State  with,  pretensions  of 
enlightenment  could  have  safely  inquired,  Who  is  this  man 
Wilson?  For  fifteen  years,  Doctor  Wilson  had  spoken 
with  increasing  frequency  and  influence  to  audiences  of 
representative  people,  before  prominent  clubs,  organiza 
tions  of  bankers,  lawyers,  educators,  and  in  fact  all 
classes  of  business  and  professional  men.  Not  only  was 
he  among  the  first  of  "  Who 's  Who  in  New  Jersey,"  but 
in  the  imaginary  "  Blue  Book "  of  the  United  States 
his  name  must  have  appeared  conspicuously  among  the 
men  worth  while:  among  the  great,  and  not  the  near 
great. 

When  on  September  16,  1910,  the  future  Governor  of 
New  Jersey  received  word  from  his  friends  in  the  Demo 
cratic  State  Convention  that  he  was  nominated,  he 
hastened  from  the  golf  links,  where  he  received  the  news, 
to  the  scene  of  political  enthusiasm,  and  delivered  his 
speech  of  acceptance  with  the  simplicity  of  a  schoolboy. 
He  spoke  like  this : 

"  I  feel  the  responsibility  of  the  occasion.  Respon 
sibility  is  proportionate  to  opportunity.  It  is  a  great 
opportunity  to  serve  the  State  and  Nation.  I  did  not 
seek  this  nomination,  I  have  made  no  pledge  and  have 
given  no  promises.  If  elected  I  am  left  absolutely  free 
to  serve  you  with  all  singleness  of  purpose.  It  is  a  new 
era  when  these  things  can  be  said,  and  in  connection 


30  WOODROW  WILSON 

with  this  I  feel  that  the  dominant  idea  of  the  moment 
is  the  responsibility  of  deserving.  I  will  have  to  serve 
the  State  very  well  in  order  to  deserve  the  honor  of 
being  at  its  head.  .  .  . 

"  Our  platform  is  sound,  satisfactory,  and  explicit. 
The  explicitness  of  the  pledges  in  it  is  a  great  test  of 
its  sincerity.  By  it  we  will  win  the  confidence  of  the 
people.  If  we  keep  the  confidence,  we  can  keep  it  only 
by  performance. 

"  Above  all  the  issues  there  are  three  which  demand 
our  particular  attention:  first,  the  business-like  and 
economical  administration  of  the  business  of  the  State; 
second,  equalization  of  taxes;  and  third,  control  of  cor 
porations.  There  are  other  important  questions,  like  the 
matter  of  a  corrupt-practices  act,  liability  of  employers, 
and  conservation,  but  the  three  I  have  mentioned  will 
dominate  these. 

"  We  must  have  a  public  service  commission  with  the 
amplest  powers  to  oversee  and  regulate  public  service 
corporations, — not  powers  to  advise,  but  powers  to 
control. 

"  States  are  primarily  the  instruments  of  controlling 
the  corporations  and  not  the  Federal  government.  .  .  . 
It  is  my  strong  hope  that  New  Jersey  will  lead  the  way 
in  reform;  moreover  the  State  can  find  out  whether  it 
has  been  creating  corporations  to  elude  the  law." 

At  the  conclusion  of  his  speech  Doctor  Wilson  struck 
the  key-note  of  his  statesmanship. 

"  Did  you  ever  experience  the  elation  of  a  great  hope, 
that  you  desire  to  do  right  because  it  is  right  and  with- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         31 

out  thought  of  doing  it  for  your  own  interest?  At  that 
period  your  hopes  are  unselfish. 

"  This  in  particular  is  a  day  of  unselfish  purposes  for 
Democracy.  The  country  has  been  universally  misled 
and  the  people  have  begun  to  believe  that  there  is  some 
thing  radically  wrong.  And  now  we  should  make  this 
era  of  hope  one  of  realization  through  the  Democratic 
party. 

"  The  time  when  you  can  play  politics  and  fool  the 
American  people  has  gone  by.  It  is  a  case  of  put  up 
or  shut  up.  We  must  show  the  people  that  we  are  not 
looking  for  offices  but  for  results.  .  .  . 

"  Maine  is  a  word  that  has  stirred  many  feelings. 
They  had  a  Democratic  Governor  named  Plaisted  and 
waited  until  his  son  grew  up  to  get  another.  In  the 
meantime  they  had  been  learning  by  experience  the  need 
of  getting  the  second  one. 

"  We  have  come  to  a  new  era,  just  as  when  the  founders 
of  the  country  established  a  new  era  in  the  history  of 
the  world  when  they  founded  this  government.  We  have 
got  to  reconstruct  a  new  economic  society,  and  in  doing 
this  we  will  have  to  directly  govern  political  methods. 
In  doing  this  we  will  be  doing  something  as  great  as 
did  our  forefathers. 

"  America  has  one  special  distinction.  It  is  not  that 
she  has  wealth  and  resources.  Many  a  nation  which 
had  wealth  rotted  away  before  America  was  born.  It 
is  that  America  was  born  with  an  ideal,— freedom  for 
its  people." 


With  such  a  declaration  of  principles,  Doctor  Wilson 
entered  political  life,  but  even  after  this  many  honest 


32  WOODROW  WILSON 

people  were  full  of  grave  doubts  for  the  future.  It  stood 
as  a  fact  that  Doctor  Wilson  was  a  machine  product, 
and  Jerseyites  had  long  before  lost  faith  in  political 
machines.  Still,  nearly  every  one  believed  that  the  Re 
publican  nominee,  if  elected,  would  do  substantially  as 
the  State  "  bosses "  wanted  him  to  do.  There  was  a 
chance  that  Doctor  Wilson  meant  what  he  said.  The 
people  took  advantage  of  the  doubt.  They  had  been 
fooled  so  long  by  the  Republicans  that  they  knew  it  was 
not  possible  to  be  duped  worse  by  the  Democrats.  Then, 
too,  many  thoughtful  people  had  observed  that  in  the 
beginning  mere  mention  of  Doctor  Wilson,  as  a  guber 
natorial  candidate,  had  resulted  in  the  reshaping  of  the 
plans  of  the  party  in  power.  The  platforms  of  the  two 
chief  parties  were  as  near  alike  in  their  principles  as 
Siamese  Twins.  The  independent  voters  decided  that 
the  best  thing  to  do  was  to  help  the  "  outs "  to  oust 
the  « ins." 

In  the  meantime  the  clever  Professor  kept  right  on 
gaining  ground  every  time  that  he  addressed  an  audi 
ence,  always  assuring  his  hearers  that  he  had  accepted  the 
nomination  with  the  understanding  that  if  elected  he  was 
to  lead  the  party,  and  that  he  would  assume  the  duties 
of  his  office  untrammelled  by  any  promises,  save  those 
he  made  to  the  people. 


Copyright,    Underwood,    New    York. 

When  on  September  16,  1910,  the  future  Governor  of  New  Jersey 
received  word  from  his  friends  in  the  Democratic  State  Convention  that 
he  was  nominated,  he  hastened  from  the  golf  links,  where  he  received  the 
news,  to  the  scene  of  political  enthusiasm,  and  delivered  his  speech  of  accep 
tance  with  the  simplicity  of  a  schoolboy. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER          33 

But  even  the  eloquence  and  power  which  flowed  like 
quicksilver  from  a  personality  radiant  with  mental  mag 
netism  were  not  to  be  compared  in  interest,  by  a  studious 
observer,  with  the  looks  of  hope  and  expressions  of  con 
fidence  revealed  by  the  countenances  of  Doctor  Wilson's 
listeners.  The  people  followed  him,  not  because  he  had 
been  nominated  by  the  machine,  but  in  spite  of  it.  Mr. 
Wilson,  not  the  machine,  led  the  Democratic  party,  in 
1910. 

In  New  Jersey  they  spell  conservative  in  hieroglyphics. 
To  illustrate  the  force,  strength,  and  sincerity  of  Doctor 
Wilson's  appeals  to  an  ultra-conservative  people,  some 
of  his  most  characteristic  campaign  expressions  are  here 
quoted : 

"  I  take  leave  to  believe  that  there  is  one  singular 
question  that  underlies  all  the  other  questions  discussed 
on  the  political  platform,  at  the  present  moment.  That 
singular  circumstance  is  that  nothing  is  done  in  this 
country  as  it  was  done  twenty  years  ago.  The  old  party 
platforms  of  twenty  years  ago  read  like  documents  taken 
out  of  a  forgotten  age.  We  are  in  the  presence  of  a 
new  organization  of  society.  We  are  eagerly  bent  on  fitting 
that  new  organization  as  we  did  once  fit  the  old  organiza 
tion  to  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  great  body  of 
citizens.  We  are  conscious  that  that  order  of  society 
does  not  fit  and  provide  that  convenience,  or  happiness, 
or  prosperity  to  the  average  man.  We  are  not  legislat 
ing  for  exceptional  men,  for  the  rich,  for  the  poor,  for 


34  WOODROW  WILSON 

any  class.  We  are  trying  to  find  out  what  is1  for  the 
common  interest  of  every  individual,  providing  he  lives 
honestly  and  strives  honorably  in  the  profession  to  which 
he  has  devoted  himself." 

Paying  a  compliment  to  America  and  the  power  it 
exerts,  Doctor  Wilson  said : 

"  But  what  has  made  us  strong?  The  toil  of  millions 
of  men,  the  toil  of  men  who  do  not  boast,  who  are  in 
conspicuous,  and  who  live  their  lives  humbly  from  day 
to  day,  and  this  great  body  of  workers,  this  great  body 
of  toilers,  constitute  the  might  of  America.  What  is 
the  manifest  duty  of  all  statesmanship?  It  is  to  see  that 
this  great  body  of  men,  who  constitute  the  strength  of 
America,  are  properly  dealt  with  by  the  laws,  and 
properly  nurtured  and  taken  care  of  by  the  policy  of 
the  country. 

"  Well,  what  hinders?  What  stands  in  the  way?  Why 
you  know  that  everything  really  worth  discussing  conies 
to  the  question  of  the  corporations.  What  I  object  to 
is  that  some  of  these  corporation  men  are  taking  joy 
rides  in  their  corporations.  You  know  what  men  do 
when  they  have  a  joy  ride.  They  sometimes  have  the 
time  of  their  lives  and  sometimes,  fortunately,  the  last 
time  of  their  lives.  Now  many  of  these  corporation  men 
are  taking  joy  rides  in  which  they  do  riot  kill  the  people 
that  are  riding  in  their  touring-cars,  but  they  kill  the 
people  they  run  over. 

"  Competition  is  being  done  away  with.  You  are  still 
in  the  modern  organization  of  business  but  not  one 
bit  of  legislation  has  been  passed  to  meet  these  essen 
tial  circumstances.  The  trouble  with  the  legislation,  in 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         35 

regard  to  corporations,  is  that  iu  respect  to  our  punish 
ment  we  treat  them  as  persons,  like  individuals,  and  they 
are  not  persons,  they  are  not  individuals.  Do  you  sup 
pose  that  there  is  any  corporation  whose  business  is  so 
badly  handled  that  the  officers  of  the  corporation  could 
not  tell  you  wiio  originated  any  particular  act  of  the 
corporation?  If  the  officers  who  ordered  the  thing  done 
do  not  know  who  did  it  then  they  don't  know  their 
business.  They  do  know  who  ordered  it  done,  and  the 
man  who  gave  the  orders  is  the  man  the  law  ought 
to  punish. 

"  The  point  is  that  we  must  change  the  law  in  order 
that  we  may  do  the  remarkable  thing  of  finding  the 
man  who  really  is  guilty.  Then,  when  we  find  some 
body  that  has  done  that  thing  that  he  ought  not  to  do, 
— even  though  he  was  authorized  to  do  it  by  the  corpora 
tion,  put  him  into  jail.  Our  jails  are  used  to  great 
advantage,  but  the  philanthropy  might  be  extended.  The 
moralizing  effect  of  the  jail  ought  not  to  be  withheld  from 
certain  classes  of  the  community. 

"  Then  we  are  tired  of  seeing  legislation  in  favor  of 
the  '  special  interests  '  and  want  legislation  in  the  general 
interests.  When  I  say  that  we  are  tired,  I  mean  that 
the  American  people  are  tired  and  they  are  going  to 
show  it  in  the  next  decade  in  a  way  that  will  make 
some  gentlemen's  heads  swim." 

Perhaps  this  kind  of  speech  answers  the  question  why 
Mr.  Wilson  was  bound  to  prove  himself  no  novice,  but 
a  great  moral  force  in  his  dealings  with  men  and  affairs. 

When  Doctor  Wilson  speaks  he  reminds  us  of  the  story 
of  Samson.  A  Sunday-school  teacher  once  told  a  class 


36  WOODROW  WILSON 

of  boys  of  Samson's  exploits, — mentioning  that  he  killed 
a  lion,  slew  thirty  men,  slaughtered  three  hundred  foxes, 
and  carried  away  the  gate  of  Gaza  as  though  it  were 
a  feather.  All  the  boys  listened  in  amazement,  with  ears 
and  mouths  open,  when  one  fellow  said,  "  Say,  teacher, 
what  horse-power  was  Samson  anyway?"  What  horse 
power  do  Wood  row  Wilson's  speeches  and  achievements 
indicate?  Enough  to  be  a  strong  Governor?  Yes.  A 
President?  Decidedly. 

But  to  return  to  the  development  of  Doctor  Wilson's 
gubernatorial  campaign.  The  pivot  on  which  the  contest 
turned  was  what  is  known  as  the  Wilson-Record  matter. 
Ex-Governor  John  W.  Griggs,  in  a  Republican  cam 
paign  meeting,  taunted  Doctor  Wilson  with  being  a  mere 
scholar,  unfamiliar  with  practical  life  and  public  ques 
tions.  In  a  reply  soon  after,  Doctor  Wilson  expressed 
his  willingness  to  meet  any  candidate  in  the  State  in 
joint  debate.  George  L.  Record,  now  a  progressive  Re 
publican,  who  executes  those  artistic  partisan  flops  which 
make  him  the  envy  of  less  agile  men,  issued  an  accept 
ance  of  the  challenge.  He  addressed  to  Doctor  Wilson 
nineteen  questions,  which  the  latter  answered  with 
such  perfect  satisfaction  that  a  large  number  of  the 
progressive  Republicans  voted  for  him. 

The  reply  which  Mr.  Wilson  made  to  Mr.  Record  proved 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         37 

to  be  so  truly  prophetic  that  a  part  of  it  is  quoted  with 
the  hope  that  future  governors  may  take  the  cue  by 
arranging  to  make  their  programs  before  and  after 
election  match: 

"  You  wish  to  know  what  my  relations  would  be  with 
the  Democrats  whose  power  and  influence  you  fear  should 
I  be  elected  governor,  particularly  in  such  important 
matters  as  appointments  and  the  signing  of  bills,  and  I 
am  very  glad  to  tell  you.  If  elected  I  shall  not  either 
in  the  matter  of  appointments  to  office,  or  assent  to 
legislation,  or  in  shaping  any  part  of  the  policy  of  my 
administration,  submit  to  the  dictation  of  any  person, 
or  persons,  *  special  interests,'  or  organization.  I  will 
always  welcome  advice  and  suggestions  from  any  citizen, 
whether  boss,  leader,  organization  man,  or  plain  citizen, 
and  I  shall  constantly  seek  the  advice  of  influential  and 
disinterested  men  representative  of  their  communities  and 
disconnected  from  political  organizations  entirely;  but 
all  suggestions,  and  all  advice,  will  be  considered  on  its 
merits  and  no  additional  weight  will  be  given  to  any 
man's  advice  because  of  his  exercising,  or  supposing  that 
he  exercises,  some  sort  of  political  influence  or  control. 
I  should  deem  myself  forever  disgraced  should  I,  in 
even  the  slightest  degree,  co-operate  in  any  such  system. 
I  regard  myself  as  pledged  to  the  regeneration  of  the 
Democratic  party." 

Mr.  Record  also  inquired :  "  Do  you  admit  that  the 
boss  system  exists  as  I  have  described  it?  If  so  how  do 
you  propose  to  abolish  it?" 


38  WOODROW  WILSON 

Mr.  Wilson  said: 

"  Of  course  I  admit  it.  Its  existence  is  notorious.  I 
have  made  it  my  business  for  many  years  to  observe  and 
understand  that  system,  and  I  hate  it  as  thoroughly  as 
I  understand  it.  You  are  quite  right  in  saying  that  the 
system  is  bi-partisan ;  that  it  constitutes  i  the  most  dan 
gerous  condition  in  the  public  life  of  our  State  and  nation 
to-day ' ;  and  that  it  has  virtually,  for  the  time  being, 
'  destroyed  representative  government  and  in  its  place  set 
up  a  government  of  privilege.'  I  would  propose  to  abol 
ish  it  by  the  reforms  suggested  in  the  Democratic  plat 
form,  by  the  election  to  office  of  men  who  will  refuse  to 
submit  to  it,  and  who  will  lend  all  their  energies  to  break 
it  up,  and  by  pitiless  publicity." 

Still  hoping  to  corner  the  Governor,  Mr.  Kecord  named 
the  bosses : 

"  In  referring  to  the  Board  of  Guardians,  do  you  mean 
such  Kepublican  leaders  as  Baird,  Murphy,  Kean,  and 
Stokes?  Wherein  do  the  relations  of  the  special  inter 
ests  of  such  leaders  differ  from  the  relation  of  the  same 
interests  of  such  Democratic  leaders  as  Smith,  Nugent, 
and  Davis?" 

Mr.  Wilson  answering  this,  said: 

"  I  refer  to  the  men  you  named.  I  mean  Smith,  Nugent, 
and  Davis.  They  differ  from  the  others  in  this,  that  they 
are  in  control  of  the  government  of  the  State  while  the 
others  are  not,  and  cannot  be  if  the  present  Democratic 
ticket  is  elected." 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         39 

In  reply  to  Mr.  Record's  question,  "  Will  you  join  me 
in  denouncing  the  Democratic  '  overlords '  as  parties  to  a 
political  boss  system?"  Doctor  Wilson  replied,  "Certainly 
I  will  join  you,  or  any  one  else,  in  denouncing  and  fight 
ing  every  and  any  one  of  either  party  who  attempts  any 
outrages  against  the  government  and  public  morrality." 

Such  utterances  as  these  only  made  the  "  bosses " 
smile.  James  Smith,  Jr.,  once  remarked,  upon  an  occa 
sion  when  he  heard  Doctor  Wilson  declare  that  if  elected 
to  the  governorship  he  would  be  left  free  to  exercise  a 
leadership  uninfluenced  by  the  dictation  of  any  "  special 
interests,"  "  He  talks  like  that  in  Newark,  and  can  get 
away  with  it.  He  is  a  great  man."  But  it  was  Mr. 
Smith  who  misunderstood  Doctor  Wilson ;  not  the  people. 

When  the  election  returns  came  in,  they  showed  that 
the  Republican  party,  which,  we  remember,  had  had  con 
trol  of  the  Legislature  for  sixteen  years,  and  which  had 
elected  Republican  governors  since  1896,  was  admirably 
walloped.  The  "  Grand  Old  Elephant "  could  not  hedge 
by  attributing  the  whole  of  its  defeat  to  the  influence  of  the 
nation-wide  revolt  against  the  party  in  power.  That  many 
of  the  causes  of  the  landslide  in  this  State  were  local,  was 
indicated  by  the  plump  plurality  of  more  than  49,000  for 
Governor  Wilson,  whereas  ex-Governor  John  Franklin 
Fort's  plurality,  in  1907,  was  only  8000  Republican. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE    SMITH-MARTINE    CONTROVERSY 

"  Be  thankful  for  what  you  get  unless  it  is  what  is  really 
coming  to  you." — JOHN  L.  HOBBLE'S  column  in  New  York 
Evening  World. 

"  When  scholars  become  doers  then  a  new  era  will  begin." — 
DUDLEY  FIELD  MALONE.  Assistant  Corporation  Counsel  of  New 
York. 

THE  bleachers  on  the  diamond  are  sometimes  amazed 
at  the  combination  of  honesty  and  skill  exhibited  by 
amateur  players,  who  have  observed  much  but  practised 
little.  From  the  time  the  Governor-elect  stepped  out  of 
the  batter's  box  to  hit  the  first  curve  it  promised  to  be 
a  rich,  rare,  and  racy  game,  between  the  Machine  League 
and  the  People's  Team.  The  Governor  was  bound  to 
succeed  because  he  gave  all  his  attention  to  the  game 
and  none  to  the  grandstand.  It  was  a  most  exciting 
event.  The  winning  team  was  to  be  awarded  the  United 
States  senatorship  in  the  1911  contest. 

Heretofore  the  election  of  a  United  States  senator  had 

always  been  a  simple  process,  executed  by  the  machine, 

40 


NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER  41 

"  in  a  corner."  The  people,  of  course,  had  had  no  voice 
in  the  matter. 

The  Senatorial  Preference  Primary  Law,  enacted  in 
1907,  was  to  be  operative  for  the  first  time.  James  E. 
Martine,  Democrat,  farmer,  and  reformer,  had  received 
more  votes  in  the  primaries  than  any  other  candidate. 
Many  legislators  of  both  Houses  had  promised  their  con 
stituents  that  they  would  vote  for  that  candidate  for 
United  States  senator  who  received  the  highest  number 
of  votes  in  the  primary  contest,  and  there  was  a  plank, 
as  broad  as  a  lumber  camp,  in  the  Democratic  State 
Platform  favoring  a  national  constitutional  amendment 
for  the  election  of  United  States  senators  by  popular  vote. 
And  the  Democrats  had  swept  the  State. 

Now  were  they  to  prove  themselves  sidesteppers  and 
trimmers  or  were  they  to  establish  a  principle  which 
should  become  a  sacred  precedent? 

It  happened  that  there  were  a  few  who,  for  the  sake 
of  personal  convenience,  preferred  the  former  policy 
and  they  assumed  the  "  What-has-posterity-done-for-us  " 
attitude.  Among  these  was  James  Smith,  Jr.,  the 
courtly  State  boss,  whom  Lord  Byron  might  have 
described  as: 

"  The  mildest-mannered  man  that  ever  scuttled  ship  or 
cut  a  throat; 


42  WOODROW  WILSON 

With  such  true  breeding  of  a  gentleman  you  never  could 

divine  his  inner  thought"  (before  election) ; 
"  Let    not    his    mode    of    raising    cash    seem    strange," 
Although,  it  is  said,  that  he  fleeced  the  people  with 
a  cry  of  protection; 

For  into  a  United  States  Senator,  but  change  his  title, 
"  And  't  is  nothing  but  taxation." 

(Apologies  to  Lord  Byron's  shade.) 

At  this  juncture  it  is  interesting  to  recall  that  before 
Dr.  Wilson  consented  to  become  a  candidate  for  Gov 
ernor  it  was  understood  that  Mr.  Smith  was  out  of  poli 
tics  and  that  he  was  not  a  prospective  candidate  for 
a  seat  in  that  most  distinguished  body  of  distinguishable 
misrepresentatives,  Seidlitz-powder  reformers,  and  con 
spicuously  small  number  of  people's  men, — the  United 
States  Senate. 

The  people  were  not  given  an  opportunity  of  telling 
the  State  dictator  what  they  thought  of  him  in  the 
primaries,  because  he  had  not  permitted  his  name  to 
be  used  as  a  candidate.  Thus  he  had  himself  given  in 
directly  to  the  public  the  impression  that  he  was  not  in 
the  contest ;  particularly,  since  it  was  well  known  that  the 
newspapers  owned  by  him  had  supported  the  senatorial 
preference  privilege  in  terms  of  unqualified  approval. 

That  Mr.  Smith  was  not  to  enter  the  political  game,  had 
been  set  down  in  the  books  as  a  fact;  especially  when 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        43 

the  State  chairman,  James  Nugent,  of  the  Jim- Jim 
machine,  ever  present  but  now  deposed,  assured  several 
assemblymen  that  "  Uncle  James  "  was  not  to  be  in  the 
senatorial  race. 

But  men  are  ever  prone  to  change  their  minds,  and 
so  we  woke  up  one  morning  to  find  that  Mr.  Smith  was 
a  candidate.  It  really  was  not  much  of  a  surprise  for 
we  had  known  this  distinguished  gentleman  a  long  time, 
and  we  had  every  reason  to  remember  him;  for  he  had 
always  been  of  the  reversible  action  type.  And,  well, — 
when  it  came  to  political  manoeuvring  he  certainly  could 
skate  a  figure-eight  with  an  ease  and  elasticity  which, 
for  years,  had  amazed  and  confounded  mere  man.  At 
political  tight-rope  dancing  he  beat  anything  of  which  I 
have  ever  heard. 

It  is  easy  to  understand  why  any  man  of  such  wonderful 
resources  would  possess  enough  commendable  qualities  of 
heart  and  head  to  insure  him  many  loyal  friends  on  whose 
assistance  he  could  rely,  whenever  his  pleasure  required. 
But  there  were  also  those  who  knew  Mr.  Smith  intimately, 
who  thought  that  it  was  about  time  to  "  start  something," 
unless  we  intended  to  abide  forever  under  the  yoke  of 
"  Smithism."  Accordingly,  to  refresh  the  memory  of  the 
old  and  help  towards  the  education  of  the  young,  a  few 
reformers  got  their  heads  together  and  published  Mr. 


44  WOODROW  WILSON 

Smith's  record.  They  announced  that  his  old  game, 
which  had  been  played  twice  to  launch  his  senatorial 
candidacy,  was  to  secure  an  invitation  from  his  home 
legislative  delegation  to  enter  the  lists,  so  as  to  create 
the  impression,  "We  cannot  do  without  you.  Please 
come  to  our  rescue  that '  representative  government '  may 
be  preserved."  It  was  charged  upon  the  best  authority 
that  means  were  used  by  the  boss's  lieutenants  which 
had  Biblical  sanction  for  their  wisdom,  but  were  entirely 
without  legal  foundation  as  to  their  righteousness,  espe 
cially  in  cases  where  the  invitation  to  Mr.  Smith  was 
forced  according  to  the  Scriptural  injunction: 

"  Agree  with  thine  adversary  quickly  whilst  thou  art 
in  the  way  with  him,  lest  at  any  time  the  adversary 
deliver  thee  to  the  Judge,  and  the  Judge  deliver  thee 
to  the  officer,  and  thou  be  cast  into  prison.  Verily  I 
say  unto  thee,  thou  shalt  by  no  means  come  out  from 
thence  until  thou  hast  paid  the  uttermost  farthing." 

Most  extraordinary  things  occurred  at  the  midnight 
conferences  in  Ifflin's  Cafe",  the  Lenni  Lenape  Club,  and 
other  exclusive  resorts  in  Newark,  followed  by  mys 
terious  automobile  expeditions  to  the  homes  of  assembly 
men  before  the  dawn  of  day.  Another  thing  which  the 
reformers  showed  in  their  published  records  of  Mr. 
Smith's  activities  was  that 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         45 

"  Prior  to  his  political  supremacy  New  Jersey  had 
elected  consecutively  nine  Democratic  Governors  and  five 
Democratic  Legislatures.  James  Smith,  Jr.,  was  elected 
to  the  United  States  Senate  in  1893.  One  year  after 
rock-ribbed  Democratic  New  Jersey  rolled  up  a  Repub 
lican  majority  of  nearly  fifty  thousand,  launched  a  solid 
Republican  delegation  to  Congress,  and  elected  a  Legis 
lature  Republican  by  over  sixty. 

"  From  that  time  until  Woodrow  Wilson  entered  the 
field  the  State  was  Republican.  Democrats,  with  their 
eyes  open,  had  repeatedly  said  that  they  attributed  the 
principal  cause  of  continued  Republican  success  to  the 
treachery  of  their  old  time  monarch,  and  a  continued 
fear  since  that  Democratic  success  would  again  bring 
him  into  power." 


Back  of  this  warning  were  the  thunder-clouds  of  sus 
picion,  which  had  hovered  in  the  air  since  the  time 
"  when,"  to  quote  further  from  the  ex-Senator's  record : 


"  Mr.  Smith  had  been  characterized  by  Grover  Cleve 
land,  as  one  of  the  Sugar  Trust  Senators,  who,  with  four 
other  members  of  that  body,  had  refused  to  pass  the 
Wilson  Bill  as  it  came  from  the  House,  until  the  interest 
of  the  Sugar  Trust  had  been  protected  to  the  extent  of 
restoring  the  tax  on  sugar. 

"  Citizens  of  New  Jersey  had  protested  vociferously  at 
the  time  of  the  official  investigation  into  the  report  that 
Mr.  Smith  and  other  senators  had  been  speculating  in 
sugar,  and  although  Senator  Smith's  memory  was  amaz 
ingly  lacking  in  regard  to  his  stock  transactions,  he 


46  WOODROW  WILSON 

testified  that  it  was  his  impression  that  he  had  purchased 
a  thousand  shares  of  sugar  stock." 

With  these  facts  revivified  the  people  saw  the  situation  as 
it  was :  stripped  of  the  glamour  of  that  bountiful  person 
age  who  had  contributed  so  generously  to  charity,  and,  as 
the  reformers  say,  to  both  party  machines  of  New  Jersey, 
in  order  to  protect  and  preserve  the  special  interests. 

But  of  what  use  to  see  clearly  if  there  are  no  lead 
ers  to  guide  honestly  and  wisely?  The  vision  of  the 
people  had  been  clearing  for  years,  but  the  anti-boss 
leaders  were  at  a  double  disadvantage,  because  they  were 
hopelessly  in  the  minority  and  they  had  lacked  an  execu 
tive  who  dared  to  be  a  State  spokesman.  But  now  times 
had  changed,  and  a  kind  dispensation  of  Providence  had 
brought  forth  a  man  with  principles  as  sound  as  the  Ten 
Commandments,  uncompromising  and  fearless.  Even  his 
enemies,  with  their  minimum  degree  of  faith  in  human 
nature,  knew  that  it  would  be  as  impossible  to  approach 
him  as  it  would  be  "  to  scale  the  ramparts  of  Jehovah 
and  pluck  from  Heaven's  diadem  its  brightest  star." 
Neither  could  this  leader  be  blindfolded  by  mere  sem 
blance  or  outward  appearances.  He  called  a  spade  a 
spade,  and  so  when  a  certain  gentleman  went  to  call  on 
Woodrow  Wilson  in  November,  1910,  "  he  came  away 
sorrowful,  for  he  was  very  rich." 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         47 

When  a  pig,  walking  on  a  railroad  track,  meets  an 
engine,  it  has  been  observed  that  the  engine  does  not 
alter  its  course. 

About  three  months  after  the  visit  to  which  we  refer, 
James  E.  Martine  was  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate  on  the  first  joint  ballot  of  the  Legislature.  He 
received  forty-seven  votes,  six  more  than  were  necessary 
for  election.  Mr.  Martine  had  not  spent  one  dollar  in 
seeking  election  as  senator.  Neither  had  he  solicited 
directly  or  indirectly  the  vote  of  any  member  of  the 
Legislature. 

During  the  Smith-Martine  contest  Governor-Elect  Wil 
son  had  become  a  most  practical  and  constructive  po 
litical  leader.  He  had  been  making  some  very  eloquent, 
grave,  and  earnest  speeches  since  his  election.  He  had 
also  discovered  that  the  opposition  to  one-man  power 
was  more  negative  than  constructive;  and  that  it  evinced 
more  detestation  of  bossism  than  it  did  the  existence  of 
a  strong  progressive  sentiment. 

And  this  interesting  academician  had  found  out  in  the 
meantime  who  were  the  brave  mariners  in  a  storm. 
"There  were  many,"  to  quote  from  Senator  Harry  V. 
Osborne,  the  young  prince  of  Democracy,  who  engineered 
the  fight  in  Essex,  Smith's  own  county,  "who  camped  in  the 
cellar  until  the  cyclone  was  over  and  then  they  emerged." 


48  WOODROW  WILSON 

And  while  the  Governor-Elect  had  been  continuing  his 
education  the  people  had  improved  their  unprecedented 
opportunity  of  being  taught  by  the  State  schoolmaster 
a  few  lessons  concerning  the  establishment  of  Democratic 
government.  They  had  passed  through  the  unique  experi 
ence  of  being  led  by  a  State  spokesman  who  believed  in 
executive  interference  where  the  rights  of  the  people 
were  seriously  menaced,  and  yet  this  interference  was  in 
no  way  offensive  to  any  honest  believer  in  popular 
government. 

The  prophecy  of  James  Smith,  Jr.,  was  fulfilled.  "  The 
Princeton  sage  "  was,  indeed,  "  the  man  of  the  hour,"  and 
his  whole  plea  had  been,  "  Come  and  let  us  reason  to 
gether."  There  were  no  words  of  bitterness,  only  the 
irresistible  appeals  of  one  who  had  spent  nearly  thirty 
years  in  the  study  of  political  questions;  a  student  and 
teacher  with  an  abiding  faith  in  Democracy,  who  saw 
himself  and  could  lead  others  to  see  the  moral  obligation, 
the  responsibility  of  a  great  opportunity  to  establish  the 
principle  of  popular  election  of  United  States  senators 
as  a  step  towards  more  Democracy.  A  true  American 
who  believes  that  the  people  see  clearly  where  their  hope 
lies,  called  upon  his  constituents  not  to  betray  a  sacred 
trust.  There  was  no  tirade  against  an  individual,  no 
violent  declamation  against  any  one's  character,  but  a 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         49 

denunciation  of  the  State  Machine,  as  an  incident  in 
the  System,  based  on  the  alliance  between  Privileged 
Business  and  Politics. 

"  It  is  not,"  said  the  new  chief  of  Democracy,  "  a 
capital  process  to  cut  off  a  wart.  You  don't  have  to 
go  to  the  hospital  and  take  an  anaesthetic.  The  thing 
can  be  done  while  you  wait  and  it  is  being  done.  The 
clinic  is  open  and  every  man  can  witness  the  operation." 

The  speeches  which  the  Governor-Elect  made  during 
this  crisis  were  such  as  Jefferson  might  have  made.  The 
main  facts  of  them  will  make  history. 

"  A  gentleman  was  talking  to  me — a  gentleman  who 
has  been  prominent  in  the  public  service  of  this  State, 
and  he  said  to  me,  i  This  is  a  fight  that  is  going  on  all 
over  the  country,  but  New  Jersey  is  the  bloody  angle.  .  .  .' 
He  was  referring  to  the  battle-field  of  Gettysburg,  where, 
at  a  certain  angle  of  a  stone-wall  the  very  slaughter  of 
the  day  centred.  This  has  always  been  known  since  as 
the  bloody  angle,  and  this  campaign  in  New  Jersey  is  the 
bloody  angle  of  national  fights.  But  our  fight  is  not 
like  the  fight  at  Gettysburg  where  gallant  heroes  were 
engaged  on  both  sides,  where  the  fight  was  open;  for 
in  this  battle  one  party  is  supplying  the  ammunition 
and  keeping  under  cover,  dodging  from  tree  to  tree  and 
from  ambush  to  ambush,  while  the  other  party  stands 
in  the  open  and  challenges  them  to  the  contest ;  the  bloody 
angle  indeed,  but  it  will  not  be  our  bodies  that  are  in 
the  breach. 

"  I  have  heard  a  great  many  men  hope  for  compromise. 

4 


50  WOODROW  WILSON 

God  defend  us  against  compromise.  Every  man  who  is 
afraid  to  stand  to  his  guns  wants  compromise.  Every 
man  who  finds  a  duty  difficult  to  perform  wants  the 
form  of  the  duty  changed,  but  change  it  for  him  and 
you  simply  confirm  his  weakness.  ...  I  appeal  to  Mr. 
Martine  never  under  any  circumstances  to  withdraw.  .  .  . 

"  And  I  want  to  point  out  to  you  that  Mr.  James 
Smith,  Jr.,  represents  not  a  party  but  a  system;  a  sys 
tem  of  political  control,  which  does  not  belong  to  either 
party  and  which,  so  far  as  it  can  be  successfully  managed, 
must  belong  to  both  parties.  Do  you  know  what  is  true 
of  the  special  interests,  at  this  moment?  They  have  got 
all  their  baggage  packed  and  they  are  ready  to  strike 
camp  over  night,  provided  they  think  it  is  profitable 
for  them  to  come  over  to  the  Democratic  party.  They 
are  waiting  to  come  over  bag  and  baggage  and  take 
possession  of  the  Democratic  party.  Will  they  be  welcome? 
Do  you  want  them?  There  is  no  question  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party  in  this  business,  gentlemen.  There  is  no 
question  of  any  party.  I  often  think  in  this  connection 
of  the  song  in  lolanthe,  a  comic  opera,  '  The  party  I 
belong  to  is  the  party  I  sing  this  song  to.  .  .  .' 

"  Business  interests  are  involved  in  this  matter  and 
not  political  principles.  These  business  interests  intend, 
if  they  can,  to  own  the  organization ;  that  is,  the  govern 
ing  organization  in  the  affairs  of  America.  They  cannot 
own  it  if  the  business  is  done  in  the  open.  They  can 
hold  it  if  it  is  done  under  cover.  They  won't  strike  their 
camps  and  move  over  in  the  daytime.  They  will  move 
over  in  the  night-time.  I  pray  God  we  may  never  wake  up 
some  fine  morning  and  find  them  encamped  on  our  side. 

"  It  is  the  privilege  of  the  legislators  who  represent 


Copyright,    Brown    Bros.,    New    York. 

"  Do  you  know  what  is  true  of  the  special  interests  at  this  moment  ?  They 
have  got  all  their  baggage  packed,  and  they  are  ready  to  strike  camp  over 
night,  provided  they  think  it  is  profitable  for  them  to  come  over  to  the 
Democratic  party.  They  are  waiting  to  come  over  bag  and  baggage  and 
take  possession  of  the  Democratic  party.  Will  they  be  welcome?  Do  you 
want  them?" — Woodrow  Wilson,  during  the  Smith-Martine  contest. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         51 

the  Democratic  party  in  the  Legislature  of  New  Jersey 
to  enjoy  the  greatness  of  the  people  of  New  Jersey.  It 
is  their  privilege  once  for  all  to  put  New  Jersey  on 
record  as  on  the  people's  side,  as  determined,  no  matter 
who  may  suffer  for  their  stand,  to  see  to  it  that  only 
the  judgment  of  the  people  be  registered  in  this  State 
from  this  time  on,  and  then  we  shall  have  established 
our  connection  with  the  records  of  liberty ;  then  we  shall 
have  taken  our  place  in  those  handsome  annals  of  history 
which  record  how  men  have  massed  themselves,  caught 
a  single  idea  with  genuine  enthusiasm,  forgotten  their 
differences,  sunk  their  selfish  interests  and,  united  in 
irresistible  force,  have  carried  men  to  the  next  level  of 
achievement,  where  they  can  look  forward  to  still  greater 
achievements,  when  not  only  the  histories,  but  every 
future  generation  shall  look  back  and  bless  them  and 
say :  Those  men  saw  the  light  and  rescued  us  from  those 
things  which  would  have  put  us  to  shame;  and  they 
made  it  possible  for  us  as  self-respecting  communities 
to  govern  our  own  affairs. 

"  Shall  we  not  make  this  one  of  the  years  which  shall 
always  be  marked  in  the  annals  of  New  Jersey  as  a  year 
of  regeneration  ?  " 

A  man's  power  must  be  measured  in  proportion  to  the 
tests  which  he  can  meet,  the  men  whom  he  can  conquer. 
We  must  judge  New  Jersey's  Governor  by  this  standard : 
by  the  gigantic  size  of  the  man  whom  he  licked ; — licked, 
not  whipped,  because  when  a  man  is  whipped  he  can 
"  come  back,"  but  when  he  is  licked — never. 

Here  we  must  remember  that  of  all  political  bosses  in 


52  WOODROW  WILSON 

the  U.  S.  A.,  New  Jersey  took  the  palm,  up  to  1911.  We 
believe  that  we  really  had  the  biggest,  busiest,  and  bossi 
est  boss  which  modern  time  has  produced.  It  is  safe  to 
say  that  a  careful  examination  of  his  record  makes  the 
work  of  some  similar  men  in  other  States  look  like  mere 
child's  play.  "  Yes,"  a  prominent  politician  said  to  me, 
"  Mr.  Smith  had  something  on  every  one  of  the  other  big 
State  bosses;  Kichard  Croker  once  referred  to  him  as 
'The  Biggest  One-Man  Politician  in  America';  and  Grover 
Cleveland,  when  told  that  this  Democratic  United  States 
Senator  owned  a  Republican  newspaper,  said :  <  A  truly 
remarkable  man,'  and  then  repeated  thoughtfully,  '  Yes, 
a  very  remarkable  man.' " 

We  can  only  give  the  reader  a  glimpse  of  this  most 
picturesque  of  moving  pictures,  for  it  would  require  the 
work  of  a  lifetime  to  represent  him  in  his  "  coat  of 
many  colors."  I  have  heard  men  of  the  best  standing, 
who  began  their  careers  as  newsboys  or  office  boys,  give 
Mr.  Smith  the  credit  for  "  a  start  in  life."  Many  times 
they  have  spoken  of  his  disinterested  kindness  to  them. 
Others  have  told  me  of  his  cold-blooded  treachery.  Per 
haps,  Fate  unkindly  gave  to  him  "the  sly  chameleon 
spirit,"  and  while  the  present  generation  is  beginning  to 
think  that  it  understands  him,  it  must,  after  all,  be  left  to 
a  dispassionate  posterity  to  pronounce  a  verdict  upon  him. 


Copyiiuht,    Brown    Bros.,    New   York. 

EX-UNITED  STATES  SENATOR  JAMES  SMITH,  JR. 
The  courtly  State  Boss,  whom,  it  is  said,  Richard  Croker  once  desig 
nated  as  "  The  biggest  one-man-politician  in  America."  By  what  standard 
shall  we  judge  New  Jersey's  Governor?  By  the  gigantic  size  of  the  man 
whom  he  licked — licked,  not  whipped,  because  when  a  man  is  whipped 
he  can  come  back,  but  when  he  is  licked — never. 


CHAPTER  IV 

FROM   THE   CLASSROOM   TO  THE    STATE   HOUSE  * 

"  To  work  for  the  people,  that  is  the  great  and  urgent  need." 
— VICTOR  HUGO. 

"  THE  modern  university  is  no  longer  a  cloister,"  said 
Governor  Wilson  to  the  writer  in  response  to  a  statement 
to  the  effect  that  some  people  thought  that  he  had  emerged 
from  such,  a  place  and  thereby  marvelled  at  his  record. 

"  When  a  young  man  inquires  of  me,  '  What  is  the 
college  for?7  or  '  Why  do  we  study  a  certain  subject?' 
I  often  cite,  as  an  illustration,  the  double  trapeze.  No 
one  ever  asks,  what  do  we  use  the  double  trapeze  for. 
It  is  obviously  for  the  purpose  of  developing  the  muscles 
that  they  may  become  elastic  and  ready  for  action.  So 
with  mental  discipline,  obtained  through  a  collegiate 
course,  which  furnishes  the  best  training.  The  powers 
of  the  mind  are  developed  so  as  to  make  it  flexible,  that 
the  faculties  may  be  brought  readily  into  play." 

"  Yes,  we  can  do  that  which  we  have  not  been  trained 

1Prhe  reader  will  remember  that  the  principal  contest  in  the 
Smith-Martine  controversy  occurred  before  Governor  Wilson's 
inauguration. — Author's  note. 

53 


54  WOODROW  WILSON 

to  do,  providing  the  faculties  have  been  developed  and 
rightly  used,"  said  the  Governor,  without  the  least  hesi 
tation,  in  reply  to  a  query  concerning  the  fitness  of 
disciplined  minds  for  undertaking  new  enterprises. 

The  chief  State  executive  had  been  in  office  about  five 
months  when  he  said  this,  and  there  had  been  "  some 
thing  doing"  every  day;  so  that  he  was  the  first  con 
venient  example  of  his  own  theory  which  occurred  to 
the  interviewer's  mind. 

The  slender  man,  who  was  sitting  in  the  Governor's 
swivel  chair,  talking  so  smoothly  and  convincingly,  is 
five  feet  eleven  inches  in  height.  He  has  a  high  fore 
head,  penetrating  gray  eyes,  and  a  mouth  expressive  of 
both  kindness  and  firmness.  His  manner  is  cordial,  his 
countenance  frank.  His  face  suggests  a  keen  sense  of 
humor,  and  those  who  associate  with  him  are  frequently 
treated  to  one  of  his  original  witticisms  or  humorous 
stories,  of  which  he  has  a  large  supply.  His  humor  is 
not  unlike  that  of  Lincoln,  and  its  homely  pointing 
of  a  moral  puts  one  in  mind  of  Franklin.  Alto 
gether,  Woodrow  Wilson  is  an  attractive  and  stimulat 
ing  personality,  of  great  intellectual  power  and  deep 
culture. 

In  talking  with  him  one  thinks :  This  man  has  a  keen 
sense  of  justice,  an  admirable  sense  of  proportion;  his 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         55 

knowledge  is  profound;  his  keen  intellect  grasps  a  situa 
tion  quickly;  he  discriminates  carefully;  he  is  self- 
reliant,  yet  open  to  conviction,  but  he  must  see  things 
from  a  broad  perspective  before  he  makes  a  decision;  he 
is  energetic,  yes  his  energy  is  boundless,  but  there  is  an 
echo  of  precision  in  his  actions  even  when  he  lets  loose, 
when  his  vitality  is  at  white  heat.  One  listens,  observes, 
thinks,  goes  away,  and  thinks  again  and  again.  It  is 
not  the  stimulus  of  an  effervescent  personality  which 
one  feels  and  then  forgets,  but  rather  the  inspiration 
which  comes  from  a  trained  thinker,  who  can  express 
himself  clearly,  eloquently,  and  persuasively.  He  uses 
the  best  diction.  When  he  speaks  he  plays  neither  to 
the  orchestra  nor  to  the  gallery,  but  both  understand 
him.  In  leaving  a  hall  where  he  had  spoken  to  a  mixed 
audience,  I  heard  such  remarks  as  these: 
"  By  George,  he  means  it.  He  is  no  f ourflusher ! " 
"What  faultless  diction,  what  a  masterly  address!" 
"  Political  convictions  intense  but  sound." 
"  There  is  character  back  of  a  man  like  that.  Such 
utterances  only  emanate  from  a  man  of  immovable 
resolution." 

"  What   a    combination    of   energy,    power,    and    con 
science,"  and  then: 

"  They  can't  put  anything  over  on  him ! " 


56  WOODROW  WILSON 

It  was,  indeed,  a  tremendous  surprise  to  the  shrewd 
politicians  to  find  on  board  the  ship  of  state  a  skilful 
and  efficient  political  captain,  who  understood  the  most 
direct  course,  who  read  the  compass  with  perfect  ac 
curacy,  and  who  saw  each  flashlight  and  signal  in  time 
to  avoid  the  breakers  and  shoals.  It  was  true  that  the 
new  commander  had  never  before  held  a  captain's 
license.  He  had  never  even  been  a  first  mate  in  the  game 
of  politics. 

To  be  perfectly  literal,  he  had  never,  up  to  the  time 
of  his  inauguration  as  governor,  visited  the  Trenton 
Legislature.  To 'use  the  Governor's  own  words,  "The 
people  hardly  knew  what  to  expect  of  me;  the  dice  had 
been  shaken  against  them  so  often ;  now  they  were  afraid 
that  they  had  a  man  who  did  not  know  how  to  shake 
dice." 

The  outcome  of  the  senatorial  contest  inspired  hopes 
for  better  things,  but  few  dared  to  look  forward  to  such 
a  program  of  reform  as  we  shall  hereafter  describe. 
It  would  have  been  a  very  irrational  thing  for  even  the 
most  optimistic  to  have  hoped  for  so  much  as  the  State 
received,  unless,  perchance,  some  diligent  students  had 
read  the  voluminous  works  of  their  scholarly  chief,  and 
made  a  study  of  the  former  university  president's 
methods  of  handling  men  and  affairs,  while  he  occupied 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         57 

the  chief  place  of  authority  in  one  of  our  oldest  and 
best  established  seats  of  learning. 

In  fact,  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  penetrate 
further  than  this  the  background  of  this  fascinating 
man's  life  if  one  would  have  anticipated  successfully  his 
career.  What  were  the  influences  which  had  brought 
him  forward?  By  what  route  had  Fate  decreed  to  land 
her  man?  To  what  extent,  and  how,  had  Fate  been 
assisted  in  her  purpose? 

"  That  is  best  blood  that  hath  most  iron  in  it." 
Scotch-Irish  blood  has  always  contained  plenty  of  red 
corpuscles;  and  when  sustained  by  the  oxygen  of  a 
Southern  atmosphere,  impregnated  with  a  love  of  jus 
tice  and  freedom,  these  corpuscles  are  not  likely  to  be 
come  depleted,  particularly  when  stimulated  in  their 
early  existence  by  the  privations  incident  to  a  long  period 
of  bloodshed  and  dreadful  days  of  reconstruction. 

For  Woodrow  Wilson  is  a  son  of  Southern  soil,  who 
retains  vivid  recollections  of  his  boyhood  and  youthful 
days  when  the  Civil  War  and  the  reconstruction  period 
brought  suffering  and  hardship  to  the  Wilson  family. 

Reverend  Joseph  R.  Wilson,  a  distinguished  scholar 
and  theological  professor  of  the  Presbyterian  faith,  was 
his  son's  teacher,  mentor,  and  guide.  The  deeply  pious 
streak  in  Governor  Wilson's  nature,  his  love  of  books, 


58  WOODROW  WILSON 

his  passion  for  idealism,  and  his  heart  full  of  sympathy 
for  every  honest  man's  cause,  which  is  written  in  every 
line  of  his  thoughtful  face,  are  but  the  natural  qualities, 
inherited  from  a  father  and  mother,  both  descended  from 
those  who  devoted  their  lives  to  literature  and  the  Church. 

I  once  heard  him  say :  "  It  is  very  difficult,  indeed, 
for  a  man,  for  a  boy,  who  knows  the  Scripture  ever  to 
get  away  from  it.  It  haunts  him  like  an  old  song.  It 
follows  him  like  the  memory  of  his  mother.  It  reminds 
him  like  the  word  of  an  old  and  revered  teacher.  It 
forms  part  of  the  warp  and  woof  of  his  life." 

Naturally,  Woodrow  Wilson's  parents,  who  appreciated 
his  studious  inclinations,  gave  him  the  advantages  of 
the  best  tutors  and  schools.  Like  most  ministers,  the 
Reverend  Joseph  Wilson  moved  occasionally.  Thus 
Staunton,  Virginia,  where  Governor  Wilson  was  born, 
December  28,  1856 ;  Augusta,  Georgia ;  Charleston,  South 
Carolina;  and  Wilmington,  North  Carolina,  each  has 
a  claim  upon  the  statesman,  whose  prestige  is  daily 
attracting  the  serious  attention  of  increasing  numbers. 

I  interviewed  James  Sprunt,  British  Vice-Consul,  one 
of  the  oldest  and  most  conservative  citizens  of  Wilming 
ton,  North  Carolina,  who  has  known  Woodrow  Wilson 
from  boyhood,  and  who  knew  his  parents,  intimately.  I 
asked  for  information  as  to  Governor  Wilson's  early  years. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         59 

This  distinguished  Southerner,  who  weighed  very  care 
fully  every  word  which  he  uttered,  said: 

"  From  a  boy  Woodrow  Wilson  was  a  thinker  and 
scholar.  His  mind  was  much  beyond  his  years  and  no 
one  who  knew  him  was  surprised  by  his  later  achieve 
ments.  He  came  honestly  and  naturally  by  his  great 
qualities  of  heart  and  mind,  for  his  father,  whose  memory 
we  revere,  and  his  sainted  mother,  who  was  a  Woodrow, 
were  not  of  common  clay.  The  father  was  a  giant  in 
physical  and  mental  proportions,  and  his  mother  was 
one  of  the  brightest  and  best  of  women. 

"  I  admire  Governor  Wilson,  and  I  am  proud  of  his 
record  in  public  life.  His  leadership  in  our  political 
affairs  would  mean  much  for  the  good  of  the  American 
people.  His  great  learning,  his  exact  scholarship,  his 
balanced  judgment,  his  rugged  honesty,  and  his  profound 
knowledge  of  political  science  place  him,  I  think,  far 
above  all  other  prominent  Democrats,  as  the  reform 
candidate  for  President." 

Sticklers  who  insist  that  a  square  inch  of  heredity 
germinates  more  character  than  a  square  mile  of  environ 
ment  will  be  gratified  to  discover  long  lines  of  ancestral 
virility  in  both  the  Woodrow  and  the  Wilson  families. 
But  after  we  have  pried  diligently  into  the  past  and 
not  been  disappointed,  what  is  more  refreshing  than  to 
know  that  the  man  of  the  present  generation  lives  up 
to  his  traditions  and  not  on  them?  Can  we  conceive 
of  anything  more  to  our  heart's  desire  than  the  one  who 


60  WOODROW  WILSON 

is  inwardly  conscious  of  a  rich  inheritance,  but  who 
modestly  fears  that  he  may  in  some  way  fall  short  of 
meeting  the  responsibilities  which  his  heritage  brings 
him? 

A  man  who  has  caught  the  spirit  of  Woodrow  Wilson 
and  his  traditions  is  the  Kev.  Dr.  Peyton  H.  Hoge,  of 
Peewee  Valley,  Kentucky,  who  chats  of  the  Wilsons  and 
Woodrows  in  this  fashion: 

"  I  was  the  successor  of  Dr.  Joseph  R.  Wilson,  as 
Presbyterian  pastor,  in  Wilmington,  North  Carolina.  I 
first  met  him  when  I  went  to  the  General  Assembly  of 
the  Southern  Presbyterian  Church  of  which  he  was  the 
clerk  for  over  a  quarter  of  a  century.  I  presented  him 
a  letter  from  the  Session  of  the  church  filled  with  ex 
pressions  of  their  devotion  to  him,  and  commending  me, 
a  young  pastor,  to  his  interest.  I  shall  never  forget 
the  fatherly  greeting  that  he  gave  me  nor  the  kind  and 
noble  words  that  he  said  to  me.  He  was  a  man  of  most 
dignified  presence,  with  the  head  of  a  senator  and  a 
leonine  mass  of  silvery  hair.  His  manner  was  stately 
but  redeemed  from  austerity  by  great  benignity  of  counte 
nance  and  kindliness  of  address.  His  English  was  mas 
terly,  his  diction  superb,  and  his  quick  and  ready  wit 
was  spoken  of  in  every  circle.  In  nearly  every  house 
in  Wilmington  his  portrait  hung  in  some  place  of  honor. 
I  felt  everywhere  that  I  went  that  there  was  a  high 
tradition  to  be  maintained. 

"  Once  when  Reverend  Wilson  came  to  Wilmington  to 
deliver  an  anniversary  sermon  during  my  pastorate,  he 
read  me  a  letter  from  his  son  Woodrow.  It  was  full 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         61 

of  filial  devotion  and  loving  memories  of  the  people  and 
of  the  place,  and  at  the  same  time  of  the  tender  insight 
into  the  mingled  feelings  of  joy  and  sorrow  that  the 
visit  must  bring  his  father,  for  this  was  not  long  after 
his  mother  had  been  taken  from  them. 

"  I  never  met  Mrs.  Wilson,  but  the  parsonage  or  manse, 
in  which  Mrs.  Hoge  and  I  lived  belonging  to  and  ad 
joining  the  church,  was  made  beautiful  by  the  roses  and 
other  flowers  in  the  culture  of  which  Mrs.  Wilson  was 
an  adept.  The  room  of  the  church  nearest  to  the  manse 
was  the  infant  or  primary  room  of  the  Sunday-school, 
in  the  building  of  which  she  had  been  greatly  interested 
and  where  she  reigned  supreme.  It  was  also  the  meet 
ing-place  of  the  women  of  whose  Missionary  Society  she 
was  the  organizer  and  president.  She  had  the  fine  strong 
intellect  for  which  her  brother,  the  celebrated  Dr.  James 
Woodrow,  was  famous. 

"  Marion  Woodrow,  Governor  Wilson's  aunt,  was  my 
mother's  dearest  friend.  In  going  through  mother's  let 
ters  after  her  death  I  often  had  to  stop  to  read  those 
of  Marian  Woodrow.  There  are  no  such  letters  now, 
so  beautiful  in  their  handwriting,  so  faultless  in  their 
expression,  and  so  filled,  as  letters  never  are  now,  with 
beautiful  thoughts  on  all  one's  reading  and  experience. 
They  bore  the  stamp  of  genius  and  the  impress  of  a 
lofty  soul.  But  alas!  they  were  destroyed  through,  an 
accident.  They  would  be  invaluable  now  in  seeking  to 
trace  to  their  sources  some  of  those  elements  of  genius 
and  power  that  make  Woodrow  Wilson  the  coming  man, 
the  man  of  the  hour. 

"  The  last  time  I  saw  Mr.  Wilson  was  at  the  Governors' 
Conference  in  Louisville,  in  1910.  He  was  the  lion  of  the 
day,  and  when  I  succeeded  in  finding  him  for  a  few 


62  WOODROW  WILSON 

minutes'  conversation,  he  wanted  to  talk  of  old  friends, 
the  old  church,  and  the  old  town  of  Wilmington. 

"  I  told  him  that  my  greatest  wish  was  that  his  dear 
father  might  know  what  he  had  now  become.  He  re 
ceived  this  with  no  affected  modesty,  but  with  the  con 
sciousness  of  one  who  has  a  mission  and  a  responsibility." 

One  of  Governor  Wilson's  schoolmates  in  Columbia, 
South  Carolina,  speaks  appreciatively  of  his  early  asso 
ciations  with  his  now  distinguished  friend :  "  He  was  a 
gentle,  manly  boy.  I  was  several  years  younger  than  he 
and  often  at  recess  he  wrorked  my  '  sums '  for  me." 

Miss  Helen  G.  McMaster,  also  of  Columbia,  South 
Carolina,  says :  "  Young  Wilson  always  impressed  me 
as  shy;  I  used  to  see  him  quietly  reading  in  his  father's 
study  and  he  never  came  into  the  parlor  to  see  the  com 
pany.  He  was  a  thoughtful,  retiring  boy  given  to  books." 

"  The  spirit  of  a  youth  who  means  to  be  of  note  begins 
betimes."  Before  he  was  eighteen  years  of  age,  Wood- 
row  Wilson  entered  the  Freshman  class  of  Davidson 
College,  North  Carolina,  where  he  remained  only  one 
year.  This  college  is,  and  was,  at  that  time,  small;  so 
that  it  was  thought  best  to  send  the  promising  young 
student  to  an  institution  which  would  offer  him  larger 
opportunities.  Princeton,  with  its  ancient  traditions 
dating  back  to  1746,  its  long  record  of  usefulness,  and 
its  list  of  famous  graduates,  seemed  a  most  desirable 
place  for  the  young  man  to  continue  his  schooling.  It 
was  here  that  he  matriculated  in  1875,  and  the  Prince- 


Copyright,    Underwood,    New   York. 
GOVERNOR   WILSON   IS    INTERESTED    IN   ATHLETICS. 

Here   he    is  watching   a  Princeton-Yale    football  game.     As  a  collegian 
oung  Wilson  himself  played  a  good  game  of  baseball. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         63 

ton  Class  of  1879  proudly  numbers  him  among  its 
graduates. 

In  college  young  Wilson  was  popular  with  both  the 
faculty  and  his  student  associates.  He  won  the  reputa 
tion  of  being  a  genial  fellow,  in  modern  terms,  "  a  good 
mixer,"  warm-hearted,  companionable,  and  worth  know 
ing,  both  for  the  social  side  and  the  virile  qualities  of 
mind  which  he  possessed.  He  could  do  more  than  one 
thing,  for  his  records  show  that  not  only  did  he  study 
well  and  read  omnivorously,  but  he  also  played  a  good 
game  of  baseball. 

What  impresses  us  most  is  that  he  began  early  to 
think  seriously,  which  fact  ought  to  be  an  inspiration 
to  every  young  man  in  the  American  commonwealth,  for 
it  must  be  admitted,  by  the  closest  observer,  that  most 
young  men  never  attain  much  because  they  are  so  late 
in  waking  up,  in  finding  themselves, — that  is,  if  they  ever 
wake  up  at  all. 

But  this  man,  Wilson,  evidently  found  himself  early, 
as  is  indicated  by  his  literary  ability  recognized  during 
his  collegiate  years,  and  his  youthful  genius  in  oratory, 
in  which  practice  he  spent  most  of  his  spare  time,  not 
in  bombastic  spurting,  but  in  actual  hard  work.  He  had 
a  natural  fondness  for  Edmund  Burke,  whose  wisdom 
and  style  attracted  him.  By  degrees  he  discovered  that 


64  WOODROW  WILSON 

the  study  of  law  promised  to  interest  him  more  than 
anything  else.  He  devoted  two  years  to  this,  at  the 
University  of  Virginia  Law  School,  where  he  remained 
until  1881,  when  he  captured  the  medal  in  oratory 
awarded  by  the  Thomas  Jefferson  literary  society. 

Two  years  of  professional  law  practice  in  Atlanta, 
Georgia,  proved  to  him  that  the  theory  and  principles 
of  legal  science  engaged  his  interest  more  than  did  the 
business  side.  Perhaps  this  was  because  of  his  inborn 
tendency  to  go  to  the  root  of  things,  and  to  obtain  a 
mature  view,  before  assuming  to  have  the  qualifications 
to  experiment  with  A's  and  B's  affairs.  The  field  of 
specialization  seems  to  have  attracted  him  first,  in  order 
that  he  might  obtain  the  mental  discipline  and  judg 
ment  necessary  to  qualify  him  for  dealing  in  general 
principles. 

We  may  observe  that  it  has  often  been  a  matter  of 
record,  although  it  is  by  no  means  an  established  fact, 
that  the  period  of  incubation  in  true  leaders  is  com 
paratively  long.  A  real  leader  is  of  necessity  modest 
and  will  not  thrust  himself  into  places  of  deep  and  grave 
responsibilities  requiring  experience.  He  prefers  to  fit 
himself  for  a  place  of  service,  and  to  trust  that  his 
capacity  for  serving  will  be  measured  by  his  fellow-men, 
who  will  seek  him  and  place  him  where  his  opportunity 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         65 

to  serve  will  be  in  proportion  to  his  preparation,  talents, 
and  degree  of  usefulness. 

To  return  from  this  digression  to  the  turning  point  in 
Woodrow  Wilson's  career.  Dean  Kinley,  of  the  Univer 
sity  of  Illinois,  says  that  when  he  was  a  fellow-student 
with  Mr.  Wilson  at  Johns  Hopkins,  Wilson  explained  to 
him  his  determination  not  to  follow  the  law,  saying, 
"  The  law  has  ceased  to  be  a  profession  and  has  become 
a  mere  trade."  That  he  chose  wisely  when  he  decided 
to  return  to  his  studies  is  apparent  from  the  brilliant 
record  which  he  soon  made  in  Johns  Hopkins  University, 
Baltimore,  Maryland,  where  he  received  his  Ph.D.  degree. 
It  was  while  here  that  his  first  book  appeared.  This 
was  Doctor  Wilson's  Congressional  Government,  which 
became  a  standard  text-book  in  many  high  schools  and 
colleges ;  and  it  won  cordial  recognition  in  many  foreign 
countries.  Sydney  Webb,  of  London,  once  told  Winthrop 
More  Daniels,  that  he  thought  that  Mr.  Bryce  derived  the 
idea  of  Bryce's  American  Commonwealth  from  Mr.  Wil 
son's  Congressional  Government.  It  is  a  comprehensive 
study  of  the  United  States  Constitution  in  its  practical 
application  to  the  problems  of  government  and  the  exi 
gencies  arising  under  it.  The  Constitution  is  vigorously 
upheld;  but  the  uses  to  which  it  has  sometimes  been 
put  are  shown  in  certain  instances  to  have  been  wrong. 


66  WOODROW  WILSON 

Doctor  Wilson  makes  clear  in  this  book  Ms  belief  that 
reforms  can  be  achieved  by  constitutional  methods  and 
that  our  problems  can  be  solved  by  law  without  recourse 
to  revolutionary  processes.  So  masterly  a  production 
from  the  pen  of  a  student,  not  yet  thirty,  gave  a  true 
index  of  what  might  be  expected  of  him  when  he  should 
reach  inaturer  years. 

It  seems  most  natural  that  such  a  mind,  with  its  thirst 
for  knowledge  and  its  aptitude  for  discretion  and  pru 
dence,  should  have  sought  to  discipline  itself  further, 
and  to  insure  greater  wisdom  by  seeking  an  outlet  for 
its  energies  in  a  vocation  where  one's  resourcefulness  is 
perpetually  tested  through  the  stimulus  which  one  gives 
to  other  minds;  where  an  ideal  must  be  put  into  daily 
practice,  if  one  is  to  win  and  retain  confidence  and 
esteem;  and  where  there  may  be  established  one  of  the 
most  delightful  human  relationships,  through  the  con 
tinual  contact  of  individual  with  individual,  where  both 
are  striving  toward  the  realization  of  the  best.  And  so  at 
the  conclusion  of  his  post-graduate  course,  we  are  gratified 
to  see  this  serious  scholar,  who  above  all  other  things  he 
can  do  can  make  others  think,  entering  the  great  army  of 
teachers,  where  he  was  to  set  an  example  worthy  of  the 
emulation  of  every  member  of  the  teaching  profession,  and 
of  all  who  aspire  to  serve  humanity  through  this  means. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         07 

It  was  a  most  famous  school,  Bryn  Mawr  College, 
Pennsylvania,  noted  for  its  high  standards,  that  was  so 
fortunate  as  to  secure  the  services  of  this  worthy  Pro 
fessor  of  Political  Science.  In  fact,  Dr.  Wilson  was  one 
of  the  original  faculty  of  Bryn  Mawr,  and  he  helped  to 
organize  its  courses  of  study. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  this  most  natural  sort 
of  man  did  another  most  natural  thing.  The  balmy 
Southern  air  is  conducive,  so  the  poets  say,  to  dreams 
filled  with  emotion,  tenderness,  and  romance.  They  tell 
us  that  in  the  Sunny  South  the  azure  skies  azure  a  little 
bit  more  than  they  do  in  any  other  part  of  the  country. 
However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  our  Johns  Hop 
kins  post-graduate  displayed  the  same  degree  of  versatil 
ity  while  working  for  his  degree  there  that  he  had 
indicated  by  the  variety  of  his  activities  while  a  student 
at  Princeton ;  for  he  found  time  for  o^ier  things,  besides 
attending  lectures  and  preparing  a  slnolarly  thesis.  He 
had  made  an  occasional  trip  to  Savannah,  Georgia,  where 
dwelt  a  charming  Southern  lady  of  rare  beauty  and 
accomplishments;  and,  a  short  time  before  Woodrow 
Wilson  became  Ph.D.,  he  also  received  another  degree, 
and  became  Woodrow  Wilson,  M.M.,  for  he  married 
Miss  Ellen  Louise  Axson,  of  a  distinguished  Savannah 
family,  descended  from  the  Cavaliers.  That  the  Gov- 


68  WOODROW  WILSON 

ernor  showed  as  excellent  judgment,  in  this  important 
matter,  as  he  has  since  made  apparent  in  every  step 
of  his  career,  is  proved  by  the  ideal  domestic  happiness 
which  has  been  the  good  fortune  of  the  Wilson  family. 
Mrs.  Wilson  is  an  invaluable  complement  to  her  dis 
tinguished  husband,  an  ideal  wife  and  mother,  and  a 
landscape  artist,  whose  paintings  in  oil  have  been  honored 
with  approval  by  the  best  painters  and  art  critics  in 
America. 

Three  charming  daughters  have  blessed  the  Wilson 
union :  Margaret,  who  is  the  possessor  of  a  rich  soprano 
voice,  and  who  is  now  taking  voice  culture  in  New  York ; 
Jessie  Woodrow,  who,  like  her  mother,  is  an  artist  of 
ability,  and  a  sociological  worker,  whose  services  at  the 
Light  House,  Philadelphia,  have  helped  to  make  that 
church  settlement  one  of  the  most  successful  in  America ; 
and  Eleanor  Randolph,  who  is  now  an  art  student  at 
the  Academy  of  Fine  Arts,  in  Philadelphia. 

Three  years  after  Governor  Wilson's  marriage  he  re 
signed  his  professorship  at  Bryn  Mawr;  and  for  two 
years  occupied  the  chair  of  History  and  Political 
Economy  at  Wesleyan  University,  Middletown,  Connecti 
cut.  While  here  he  was  appointed  Professor  of  Juris 
prudence  and  Political  Economy  at  Princeton  University, 
where  he  entered  upon  his  duties  in  1890,  succeeding 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         69 

to  a  chair  made  famous  by  his  predecessor,  Professor 
Alexander  Johnston,  perhaps  the  foremost  of  the  newer 
scientific  students  of  American  political  history. 

The  power  to  kindle  interest  and  to  make  his  subjects 
alive,  by  leading  those  in  his  classes  to  comprehend  facts 
in  their  relationship  to  our  social  and  economic  organi 
zation,  characterized  his  instruction.  The  courses  which 
Doctor  Wilson  presented  became  very  popular  and  he 
was  soon  recognized  as  a  man  of  unusual  attainments, 
both  by  the  students  and  the  university  authorities. 

His  services  on  faculty  committees  added  to  his  use 
fulness  ;  and  he  did  some  of  his  best  work  as  an  import 
ant  member  of  the  Committee  on  Discipline.  To  illus 
trate  his  intense  practicality,  it  should  be  noted  that 
Professor  Wilson  had  mastered  shorthand  that  he 
might  not  miss  the  advantages  afforded  by  this  ready 
means  of  keeping  a  safety-deposit  vault  filled  with  cor 
rect  and  valuable  data,  available  for  use  whenever  the 
occasion  requires.  This  acquisition,  with  the  ability  to 
initiate  and  to  execute  plans,  made  the  popular  professor 
indispensable  in  the  committee  work  of  the  university. 
Notice, — that  he  must  have  been  ever  conscious  of  the 
laws  of  competition;  and  that  he  must  have  realized 
that  it  is  necessary  for  every  competitor,  in  any  field, 
to  equip  himself  with  excellent  credit;  a  superior  grade 


70  WOODROW  WILSON 

of  stock,  and  a  general  outfit  of  practical  utilities,  if  he 
is  to  be  advanced  to  the  place  where  he  may  exercise 
his  greatest  usefulness. 

Woodrow  Wilson,  as  a  member  of  the  faculty  at  Prince 
ton,  then,  could  do  many  things  that  the  average  pro 
fessor  cannot,  or  does  not  do.  Many  of  those  who  worked 
with  him  predicted  that  he  was  a  marked  man,  chosen 
by  destiny  to  come  forward. 

When  Yale  selected  eight  men  from  the  whole  country 
to  receive  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Letters,  at  its  bi 
centennial  celebration,  Woodrow  Wilson  was  one  of  the 
eight.  He  has  been  accorded  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Laws  by  Lake  Forest  College,  Tulane  University,  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  University  of  Vir 
ginia  ;  and  he  was  recently  chosen  by  Harvard  University 
to  deliver  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  oration  at  Commence 
ment. 

While  connected  with  Princeton  University  Doctor 
Wilson's  prolific  pen  was  always  busy,  although  the  most 
important  of  his  text-books  Professor  Wilson  completed 
during  his  professorship  at  Wesley  an.  The  State,  a  text 
book  on  historical  and  practical  politics,  has  had  the 
rare  distinction  of  serving  as  the  accredited  text  in  over 
a  hundred  universities,  including  in  the  number,  Oxford 
University,  England.  After  he  became  established  at 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         71 

Princeton  he  wrote  continually  for  the  best  periodicals; 
and  that  he  was  producing  things  worth  while  was  as 
sured  by  the  constant  demands  which  the  publishers  made 
of  him. 

A  writer  in  The  Library  of  the  World's  Best  Literature 
says  of  Woodrow  Wilson's  literary  work : 

"  It  is  conspicuous  for  its  suggestive  thought  and  thor 
ough  knowledge.  Dr.  Wilson's  studies  of  contemporary 
politics  and  institutions  have  won  wide  attention  for 
their  thoughtful  and  searching  analysis,  presented  in  a 
style  of  exceptional  attraction,  and  inspired  by  a  sincere 
desire  to  interpret  and  promote  the  good  in  American 
methods.  His  more  general  essays  upon  topics  historical 
or  literary  have,  by  their  .decided  charm,  made  Professor 
Wilson  known  to  a  far  larger  audience  than  a  profes 
sional  writer  or  teacher  upon  such  themes  usually  reaches. 

"  For  the  series  called  Epochs  of  American  History  he 
wrote  a  book  on  Division  and  Re-Union,  1893,  in  which 
the  disintegrating  influences  of  the  Civil  War  and  the 
subsequent  processes  of  recovery  are  traced.  From  1893 
also  dates  An  Old  Master  and  Other  Political  Essays' 
containing  a  delightful  appreciation  of  Adam  Smith,  and 
further  papers  developing  the  author's  views  upon  poli 
tical  principles  and  forms.  The  volume  Mere  Literature, 
1896,  displayed  his  ability  as  an  essayist  in  the  wider 
sense,  upon  themes  calling  for  a  synthetic  literary  hand 
ling.  An  admirable  sketch  of  George  Washington,  clearly 
and  sympathetically  delineating  his  characteristics  on 
the  social  and  domestic  side,  appeared  in  1897. 

"  In  the  present  tendency  to  adopt  the  scientific  method 


72  WOODROW  WILSON 

in  writing  on  politics  and  history,  and  to  deify  the 
accumulation  and  parade  of  material,  scholars  of  Pro 
fessor  Wilson's  type  are  needed  and  welcome.  He  not 
only  insists  in  his  writings  upon  the  necessity  and  value 
of  the  literary  method  in  such  studies  but  in  his  own 
person  illustrates  his  meaning.  He  is  a  student  who 
makes  past  and  present  vivid  by  his  interpretation  of 
the  raw  stuff  of  facts  and  records." 

The  year  in  which  his  History  of  the  American  People 
appeared,  1902,  Doctor  Wilson  was  elected  president  of 
Princeton  University,  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
Board  of  Trustees.  He  was  the  first  layman  ever  chosen 
for  this  office.  The  position  of  college  president  in 
modern  times  has  called  for  more  executive  ability  than 
what  is  termed  scholarship.  That  the  new  president 
labored  under  many  difficulties,  in  the  early  days  of  his 
administration,  as  well  as  later,  is  evidenced  by  the  fact 
that  much  of  the  available  income  of  the  institution  was 
tied  up  by  arrangements  made  before  his  accession  to 
the  presidency.  But  the  Doctor  has  always  been  equal 
to  the  overcoming  of  obstacles,  and  he  devises  methods, 
and  adopts  readily  processes  suitable  to  any  emergency. 
He  can  bide  his  time  or  act  quickly  as  the  circum 
stances  require;  so  he  resolved  not  to  be  hampered  by 
conditions  which  could  not  be  immediately  altered,  and 
centred  his  attention  and  energies  on  things  at  hand, 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         73 

a  course  which  he  has  pursued  since  his  entrance  into 
politics. 

Before  Dr.  Wilson  became  president  the  university 
curriculum  had  become  confused,  almost  chaotic,  at  least 
antiquated.  There  were  three  hundred  and  fifty  courses 
of  study.  Mental  indigestion  was  a  chronic  disorder. 
Doctor  Wilson  set  himself  to  the  task  of  reforming  and 
simplifying  this  unwieldy  and  complicated  system.  He 
systematized  four  well-defined  courses  leading  to  four 
distinct  degrees;  and  thus  brought  order  out  of  academic 
confusion,  by  arranging  the  studies  of  each  course  in  a 
logical  sequence.  Naturally,  under  the  old  system  of 
many  courses,  the  chaos  was  intensified  by  the  lowering 
of  standards.  Higher  standards  of  admission  and  of 
routine  scholarship  were  now  established. 

So  much  for  Doctor  Wilson's  first  reform  stroke.  Now 
for  the  second.  This  consisted  of  the  introduction  by 
the  president,  of  the  preceptorial  system,  which  brought 
an  innovation;  but  to  set  this  new  idea  into  motion 
money  was  called  for.  By  this  time,  1905,  the  trustees 
of  the  University  had  discovered  President  Wilson's  busi 
ness  capacity,  and  they  had  begun  to  augment  the  income 
of  the  college.  He  had  won  their  confidence  through 
attention  to  business  and  self-abnegation. 

To  carry  out  the  preceptorial  plan,  sixty-five  new  men 


74  WOODROW  WILSON 

were  added  to  the  faculty,  each  with  the  title  of  assistant 
professor,  and  the  privilege  of  voting  in  faculty  meetings. 
Groups  of  students  numbering  from  two  to  five  at  one 
time,  never  exceeding  five,  were  assigned  to  each  pre 
ceptor  for  his  personal  supervision.  "  The  object  of  this 
arrangement,"  as  described  by  its  originator,  "  was  to 
draw  the  faculty  and  the  undergraduates  together  into 
a  common  body  of  students  old  and  young,  among  whom 
a  real  community  of  interest,  pursuit,  and  feeling  would 
prevail."  The  preceptors  devoted  their  energies  to  the 
work  of  counselling  and  guiding,  meeting  those  assigned 
to  them  three  or  more  times  a  week.  The  students'  ex 
ercises  with  them  were  conferences  not  recitations.  This 
intimate  intercourse  of  personalities  produced  most  satis 
factory  results,  and  made  the  labors  of  those  who  took 
part  in  the  work  not  tasks,  but  delightful  pursuits  which 
led  to  a  natural  enjoyment  of  science  and  letters.  The 
habit  of  reading,  practically  lost  under  the  lecture  sys 
tem,  was  recultivated.  Students  were  assisted  in  making 
a  right  choice  in  the  selection  of  books  and  they  were 
led  to  a  broader  appreciation  of  the  best  literature.  This 
new  system  attracted  wide  attention  and  the  merits  of 
it  appealed  strongly  to  the  student  body.  There  was 
everything  to  be  gained  by  it  and  nothing  to  be  lost,  since 
the  preceptors  neither  set  nor  corrected  examinations. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  HADE  OVER         75 

This  feature  of  President  Wilson's  college  administra 
tion  is  regarded  by  many  educators  as  his  principal 
achievement  during  his  presidential  career,  but  the  pro 
ject  conceived  by  him,  after  he  had  the  preceptorial 
system,  well  under  way,  would  probably  have  surpassed 
in  breadth  of  results  any  of  his  other  college  reforms  if 
he  had  not  been  checked  in  the  course  of  the  progress 
of  his  next  effort. 

The  quadrangle  system,  or  "  quad  plan,"  was,  in  its 
inception  with  Doctor  Wilson,  wholly  an  educational 
project.  It  was  not  until  the  opposition  of  privileged 
individuals  had  blocked  this  scheme,  that  this  educational 
policy  was  seen  to  have  been  opposed  by  the  same  kind 
of  influences  which  seek  in  political  life  to  uphold  special 
privilege. 

Under  the  abuse  of  the  lecture  system  Dr.  Wilson  be 
lieved  that  intellectual  vitality  among  the  generality  of 
college  students  had  been  undermined,  and  that  with  the 
exception  of  a  mechanical  compliance  with  certain  set 
tasks  the  spontaneous  activities  of  college  boys  had  been 
too  largely  absorbed  by  non-academic  interests  and  pur 
suits.  Referring  to  these  influences,  President  Wilson 
said.  "  The  side-shows  have  become  so  numerous,  so  divert 
ing,  so  important  if  you  will,  that  they  have  eaten  up  the 
circus,  and,  we,  in  the  main  tent,  are  often  obliged  to 


76  WOODROW  WILSON 

whistle  before  our  audiences,  humiliated  and  discouraged." 
These  activities,  to  a  remarkable  degree,  centred  about 
the  self-constituted  social  organizations,  known  as  the 
permanent  upper  class  clubs,  for  Princeton  excludes 
the  fraternities  as  such.  The  upper  class  clubs,  at  Prince 
ton,  of  which  there  are  over  a  dozen,  have  handsome 
properties  and  are  essentially  the  counterparts  of  the 
social  clubs  in  any  great  city.  Naturally,  as  their  mem 
bership  includes  only  about  one  half  of  the  two  upper 
classes,  and  as  their  standards  of  maintenance  put  them 
beyond  the  reach  of  students  of  limited  means,  a  line  of 
cleavage  is  sharply  drawn  between  the  club  members  and 
the  non-members.  Before  a  student  is  admitted  to  mem 
bership,  it  must  be  assured  beyond  a  doubt  that  he  con 
forms  to  a  very  exacting  social  standard,  even  in  one  or 
two  instances  partaking  of  hereditary  qualifications. 
Many  who  fail  of  an  election  to  a  club,  or  to  what  they 
regard  as  an  eligible  club,  feel  their  college  career  is 
blighted,  in  that  they  are  in  some  large  measure  de 
barred  from  the  fellowship  of  their  more  fortunate  class 
mates.  Some  have  even  felt  that  they  must  leave  college 
in  acute  disappointment  over  their  ill-success  in  this 
respect.  The  imperative  necessity  of  "making  a  club  " 
works  downward  upon  the  two  younger  classes.  They 
must  shun  anything  that  would  seem  like  catering  to 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER          11 

upper  class  club  men  to  insure  their  election;  and  they 
not  unnaturally  fall  into  small  cliques  bent  upon  demon 
strating  negatively  by  smug  conformity  to  conventions 
their  fitness  for  club  membership.  The  whole  system  is 
divisive,  in  its  effects,  breaking  down  wholesome  sponta 
neous  mixture  of  all  kinds  of  men  in  college,  and  con 
fining  men  in  large  degree  to  the  standards  of  their  own 
small  social  set. 

It  was  Doctor  Wilson's  plan  to  reinvigorate  intellec 
tual  interests  by  the  close  contact  and  stimulation  of 
teachers  living  at  close  range  and  on  terms  of  friendly 
intimacy  with  their  students;  and  the  artificial  barriers 
erected  by  club  conditions  to  a  ready  and  complete 
association  of  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  students,  he 
had  hoped  to  eradicate  by  assimilating  the  external 
conditions  of  college  life  and  residence,  so  that  these 
barriers  created  by  the  clubs  might  be  removed.  Dr. 
Wilson  had  hoped  to  institute  a  process  which  would 
not  annihilate  the  clubs,  but  which  would  reorganize 
them  on  a  basis  of  democracy,  where  all  students  might 
enjoy  their  advantages.  This  he  proposed  to  do  by 
annexing  the  clubs  to  the  University  which  was  to  con 
trol  them  and  make  their  usefulness  universal.  Thus  the 
president's  quadrangle  system  was  designed  to  break 
down  the  lines  of  cleavage  between  those  in  the  clubs 


78  WOODROW  WILSON 

and  those  on  the  outside.  Each  quadrangle  was  to  fur 
nish  what  the  best  club  furnished,  including  the  dormi 
tories.  The  club  houses  were  to  be  maintained  in  a 
comparatively  economical  way,  under  the  administration 
of  the  University ;  and  each  unit  was  to  house  and  board 
about  one  hundred  men  of  all  four  classes,  with  an 
admixture  of  the  teaching  force,  in  modest  comfort  but 
without  luxury. 

When  first  presented  to  the  Board  of  Trustees,  this 
plan,  which  was  a  novel  departure  from  tradition,  seemed 
feasible,  and  it  was  voted  to  adopt  it,  with  only  one  man 
dissenting.  It  seemed  too  good  to  be  true  that  such  an 
extraordinary  change  for  the  better  should  be  brought 
about  with  such  apparent  ease ;  but  the  friends  of  democ 
racy  rejoiced  too  soon,  for  the  summer  following  the 
trustees'  decision  the  university  alumni  clubs  started 
strenuous  opposition  to  the  proposed  reorganization,  thus 
creating  the  first  breach  between  Doctor  Wilson  and  the 
Princeton  authorities.  Here  he  had  to  fight  his  first 
battle  for  the  forces  of  democracy  against  "  special 
privilege."  But  the  odds  were  tremendously  against  him, 
although  he  had  the  support  of  a  very  large  percentage 
of  the  faculty  and  of  the  bulk  of  the  student  body.  The 
wealthy  alumni  brought  so  much  pressure  to  bear  upon 
the  university  board  that  in  the  fall  of  1907  the  trustees 


g 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         79 

voted  to  request  the  president  to  withdraw  the  quad 
rangle  plan. 

Doctor  Wilson  withdrew  it,  but  with  keen  reluctance, 
for  he  knew  it  meant  the  defeat  of  academic  democracy 
and  the  triumph  of  class  privilege.  Xo  longer  could  he 
entertain  the  hope  that  every  student  might  breathe  the 
air  of  democratic  freedom  within  the  Princeton  domains. 
Doctor  Wilson  had  not  wanted  to  see  his  policy  prevail 
because  it  was  his;  but  rather  because  he  wanted  to 
see  privileges  equally  distributed,  which  would  give  every 
man  his  best  chance. 

With  such  an  innate  love  of  the  people's  rights,  is  it 
to  be  wondered  at  that  this  ideal  Democrat  went  into 
politics?  Would  it  not  have  been  most  inexplicable  if 
he  had  resisted  this  irrepressible  tendency  to  fight  for 
popular  government? 

The  culminating  difficulty  in  President  Wilson's  Prince 
ton  career  came  when  the  new  Graduate  School  was  to 
be  erected.  He  wanted  to  substitute  simplicity,  eco 
nomy,  and  efficiency  in  building,  for  architectural 
splendor  and  unnecessary  magnificence.  His  idea  was 
to  develop  professorships,  create  new  chairs,  found 
scholarships,  build  up  opportunity,  and  provide  1lie 
best  training  for  citizenship.  He  advocated  the  use 
of  money  for  making  and  developing  men,  instead  of 


80  WOODROW  WILSON 

putting  it  into  unnecessary  purchases  of  bricks  and 
mortar. 

In  this  plan?  too,  he  was  opposed;  for  the  traditions 
of  Princeton  called  for  the  most  expensive  buildings, 
with  elaborate  furnishings  for  the  interior,  and  artistic 
exterior  surfaces  which  bear  no  indication  of  economy. 
That  the  utmost  extravagance  prevailed  in  the  construc 
tion  of  the  new  Graduate  School  is  proven  by  the  author 
ized  statement  that  it  represents  an  investment  of  seven 
thousand  dollars  per  capita  of  students  to  be  housed 
therein.  This  vast  expenditure  of  funds  for  building 
seemed  to  Doctor  Wilson  inconsistent  with  a  proper 
sense  of  proportion;  for  he  is  a  prudent  manager.  He 
studied  and  audited  the  budget  of  the  University  with 
as  much  care  and  precision  as  a  multi-millionaire  would 
exercise  in  the  management  of  a  colossal  enterprise.  But 
it  is  hard  to  convince  most  plutocrats  that  a  great  por 
tion  of  surplus  capital  should  be  devoted  to  the  general 
interests  of  humanity.  They  are  more  inclined  to  think 
that  the  bulk  of  it  should  be  appropriated  to  the  per 
petuation  of  their  own  names  and  memories; — then  if 
there  are  any  husks  left  they  may  be  given  to  the 
masses,  but  even  then  generally  with  a  string  tied  to 
them. 

Of  course  there  were  many  members  of  the  Million- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         81 

aires'  Club  who  poured  funds  generously  into  the  coffers 
of  Princeton,  and  this  they  did  with  worthy  and  com 
mendable  purposes,  but,  too  often,  with  the  proviso  of 
dictating  the  objects  for  which  their  money  should  be 
used.  But  there  were  a  few  whom  President  Wilson  had 
to  disabuse  of  the  idea  that  because  they  gave  money 
they  could  dictate  the  academic  policy  of  the  University. 
It  took  courage  to  do  this,  but  the  Doctor  has  never 
lacked  in  this  most  essential  element  of  honor.  He  po 
litely  assured  some  most  estimable  gentlemen  that  their 
privileges  terminated  with  their  specifications  for  the 
use  of  their  donations  for  certain  buildings,  students' 
prizes,  and  class  scholarships.  Emphatically  they  could 
not  give  money  to  be  used  for  educating  people  accord 
ing  to  the  personal  ideas  and  ideals  of  the  donors. 
Princeton  must  remain  a  free  and  independent  institu 
tion  of  learning,  so  long  as  Woodrow  Wilson  was  its 
academic  head.  Professors  must  be  allowed  a  free  hand 
in  their  various  departments,  and  the  president  and  the 
faculty  were  to  determine  what  standards  should  be 
established  and  how  they  were  to  be  maintained.  In 
other  words  there  was  no  compromise  tvith  "  special 
privilege."  The  social  life  might  tie  governed  "by  pluto 
cracy;  "but  the  class-room  work  and  instruction  must  be 
kept  democratic. 


82  WOODROW  WILSON 

Even  the  most  thoroughbred  aristocrats  on  Princeton's 
board  saw  President  Wilson's  point  of  view,  although 
they  could  not  always  think  in  his  terms.  They,  at 
least,  knew  the  man  to  be  honest,  fearless,  and  most 
efficient;  and  they  were  nearly  all  glad  to  retain  him 
as  the  University's  official  head. 

But  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  field  of  oppor 
tunity  afforded  by  the  office  of  college  president  in  a 
university  where  conditions  tended  toward  aristocracy 
did  not  enable  Doctor  Wilson  to  exersice  to  the 
best  advantage  the  numerous  resources  within  himself; 
and  that  he  was  called  to  a  place  of  distinction  which 
corresponds  better  with  the  attainments  and  capabili 
ties  of  the  man.  The  one  "  who  has  been  faithful  over 
a  few  things  "  ought  to  go  on  being  made  "  ruler  over 
many." 

When  Doctor  Wilson  resigned  the  presidency  of  Prince 
ton,  after  he  had  accepted  the  gubernatorial  nomination 
in  1910,  he  left  behind  him  a  record  which  gave  him 
the  rank  of  America's  foremost  living  historian  in  that 
field  which  deals  with  the  political  and  social  develop 
ment  of  the  nation.  Princeton,  under  his  administra 
tion,  had  grown  more  rapidly  than  ever  before;  and  the 
retiring  president  left  its  affairs  in  a  most  prosperous 
and  flourishing  condition.  He  had  proved  himself  a  con- 


While  Woodrow  Wilson  was  President  of  Princeton  University  he 
politely  assured  some  most  estimable  gentlemen  that  because  they 
gave  money  to  the  institution,  they  could  not  dictate  its  academic 
policy.  Here  the  good  Doctor  fought  his  first  battles  for  Democracy. 
Never,  for  an  instant,  did  he  compromise  with  special  privilege  ! 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         83 

s  true  five  educator.    Now  he  was  about  to  prove  himself 
a  constructive  statesman. 

The  New  York  World  in  commenting  upon  Woodrow 
Wilson  as  a  candidate  for  Governor  of  New  Jersey,  said : 

"  Of  all  the  candidates  for  any  office  in  any  State  the 
man  who  has  done  the  most  to  raise  the  political,  moral, 
and  intellectual  level  of  the  campaign  is  Woodrow  Wilson 
of  New  Jersey.  Like  Lincoln,  Mr.  Wilson  has  put  the 
thoughts  of  a  statesman  into  simple,  homely,  nervous 
speech,  touched  with  humor,  and  convincing  in  earnest 
ness.  At  a  time  when  unbridled  speech  is  sadly  common 
he  has  been  constant  in  courtesy,  he  has  not  shuffled,  he 
has  not  evaded  any  issue.  Not  often  in  recent  years  has 
any  American  State  had  an  opportunity  of  electing  as 
Governor  a  man  of  such  capacity  and  fitness.  For  New 
Jersey  not  to  secure  Woodrow  Wilson's  services  would 
not  be  a  New  Jersey  misfortune  merely,  it  would  be  a 
national  misfortune." 

As  Governor  of  our  State  he  has  measured  up  to  and 
gone  beyond  the  expectations  of  even  his  most  ardent 
admirers. 

Dudley  Field  Malone  in  a  recent  speech,  commenting 
upon  the  New  York  Sun's  designation  of  Governor  Wil 
son  as  a  u  peripatetic  philosopher,"  said,  "  If  more  of 
our  i  peripatetic  philosophers '  who  gangrene  in  our 
universities  would  go  out  and  work  like  Governor 
Wilson,  it  would  be  better  for  the  country." 


84  WOODROW  WILSON 

As  governor,  we  shall  see  that  he  has  demonstrated 
a  most  remarkable  capacity  for  translating  himself  from 
the  world  of  author's  politics  to  the  practical  institution 
itself,  without  the  "  loss  of  force  or  momentum." 


CHAPTER  V 

KEEPING    FAITH    WITH    THE    PEOPLE 

"  Woodrow  Wilson  stands  before  the  people  to-day  as  that 
rarest  of  phenomena,  a  public  man  who,  elevated  to  office, 
faithfully  keeps  his  pre-election  promises. 

"  When  he  indicated  his  willingness  to  resign  the  presidency 
of  Princeton  and  lead  his  party  as  candidate  for  Governor  of 
New  Jersey  he  was  looked  upon  as  an  interesting  but  mistaken 
gentleman ;  when  he  appeared  '  on  the  stump '  in  effective  speeches 
and  met  the  wiles  of  his  opponents  with  political  sagacity,  he 
became  a  factor  seriously  to  be  considered;  when  he  won  the 
election,  he  took  rank  as  a  national  character;  and  since  he  has 
put  on  the  robes  of  office,  he  has  displayed  qualities  that  reveal 
his  equipment  for  a  part  in  public  affairs  for  which  no  other 
man  in  the  nation  seems  equally  fitted." — Quoted  from  COLONEL 
HENRY  WATTERSON,  in  the  Louisville  Courier- Journal.  Marse 
Henry  said  this,  July  13,  1911. 

"  We  had  a  preliminary  skirmish  and  the  stranglehold  was 
broken,  and  if  ever  I  saw  a  happy,  relieved,  self-respecting  body 
of  gentlemen,  it  was  those  New  Jersey  legislators,  freed  of  the 
stranglehold.  We  have  got  to  break  that  stranglehold  if  we 
do  it  with  sticks  of  dynamite." — GOVERNOR  WILSON  after  the 
Smith-Martine  contest. 

IP  ever  there  was  a  leader  desirous  of  interpreting  the 
popular  will,  Woodrow  Wilson  is  one  of  that  brand  of 
leaders.  He  believes  in  the  good  sense  of  the  American 
people.  He  has  read  history  and  he  remembers  it. 

"  What  are  the  best  reasons  for  optimism  in  our 
political  life?"  I  asked  Mm. 

85 


86  WOODROW  WILSON 

"  Why,  the  progress  we  are  making,"  was  his  immediate 
reply.  "  One  of  the  best  indications  is  that  society  is 
looking  itself  over.  The  people  are  awake  from  East 
to  West  and  North  to  South." 

In  one  of  Governor  Wilson's  public  addresses,  he  said : 

"  I  don't  fear  revolution.  I  don't  fear  it  even  if  it 
comes.  I  have  unshaken  faith  in  the  power  of  America 
to  keep  its  self-possession.  If  revolution  comes  it  will 
come  in  peaceful  guise,  as  it  came  when  we  put  aside  the 
crude  government  of  the  confederation,  and  created  the 
great  Federal  State,  which  governs  individuals,  and  which 
has  been  these  one  hundred  and  thirty  years  our  vehicle 
of  progress.  And  revolution  need  not  come.  I  don't 
believe  for  a  minute  that  it  will  come.  Some  reconstruc 
tions  we  must  push  forward,  which  a  new  age  and  new 
circumstances  impose  upon  us,  but  we  can  do  it  all  in 
calm  and  sober  fashion  like  statesmen  and  patriots." 

And,  it  was  "  in  calm  and  sober  fashion,"  except  when 
numerous  sidesteppers  attempted  to  violate  their  cam 
paign  pledges,  that  the  1911  session  of  the  New  Jersey 
Legislature  did  its  work.  Then  these  offenders  were  sum 
moned  to  a  conference  with  their  preceptor,  and  shown 
the  error  of  their  ways.  You  see  the  preceptorial  system 
can  be  used  in  a  legislature  as  well  as  in  a  college. 
None  of  us  outgrows  the  necessity  for  preceptors,  even 
after  we  leave  school. 

"  It  is  a  mistake  for  any  one  to  think  for  a  moment 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         87 

that  I  dragocmed  those  men,"  the  Governor  said  to  me. 
"  We  worked  together  in  a  common  cause." 

This  was  what  I  had  heard  over  and  over  again,  from 
assemblymen  and  senators,  and  nearly  all  of  them,  whom 
I  interviewed,  volunteered  the  information  that  keeping 
the  faith  would  not  have  been  possible  except  for  the 
direction  and  guidance  of  a  wise  leadership.  Like  Caesar, 
Woodrow  Wilson  personally  encouraged  every  man  to  do 
his  duty.  He  prodded  every  man  to  the  limit  of  his  energy. 
When  mild  methods  did  not  produce  the  desired  results, 
the  Governor  tried  more  effective  means  of  discipline. 
When  a  sidestepper  balked,  Dr.  Wilson  applied  the 
remedy.  If  a  man  is  big  enough  to  find  it  there  is  always 
a  remedy  for  every  weakness,  in  any  situation  which  he 
may  meet.  I  once  knew  a  man  who  cured  a  balky  horse, 
whose  habit  of  balking  had  become  second  nature.  He 
would  even  balk  when  it  would  have  been  easier  to  do 
his  work  willingly.  One  day  the  owner  of  the  horse 
held  a  bottle  of  ammonia  under  the  animal's  nose.  This 
was  five  years  ago,  and  he  has  never  balked  since. 

One  conference  with  our  statesman-governor  was 
enough  to  cure  a  balky  assemblyman  or  senator. 

The  Governor  continued: 

"  You  don't  want  the  legislature  bossed  by  the  gov 
ernor;  of  course  not;  but  it  can  be  arranged  to  give  its 


88  WOODROW  WILSON 

members  a  chance  to  answer  on  the  same  platform  with 
him.  The  great  thing  to  be  desired  is  debate;  debate 
among  authoritative  persons  as  well  as  debate  upon  the 
stump,  and  the  more  thorough-going,  the  more  fearless 
this  debate  is,  the  better." 


This  kind  of  talk  was  the  only  weapon  which  Governor 
Wilson  held  over  the  heads  of  some  of  the  machine  men 
at  Trenton,  when  they  insisted  upon  inserting  jokers  in 
bills,  or  framing  elastic  legislation  which  should  osten 
sibly  meet  campaign  pledges  by  giving  to  the  people  the 
skeleton  of  reform,  but  without  the  muscles  and  red 
blood  to  support  it.  It  was  through  "  daylight,"  and 
lireworks-at-night  methods  that  the  people  were  kept 
informed  concerning  affairs  at  the  State  Capitol  in 
1911. 

Not  since  George  Washington  spanked  the  Hessians 
has  there  been  an  historical  event  of  such  great  importance 
as  the  reform  accomplished  under  Governor  Wilson's 
leadership. 

When  Nature  casts  a  hero  to  play  a  part,  she  is  gen 
erous  enough  to  prepare  him  for  it.  She  gives  him  many 
rehearsals  in  private,  where  he  can  play  to  an  imaginary 
audience,  and  then  after  she  puts  him  upon  a  public 
stage  it  is  only  necessary  for  him  to  go  behind  the  scenes 
at  intervals,  to  strengthen  his  part  by  further  study  of 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  HADE  OVER         89 

himself  and  other  men.  But,  in  the  end,  it  is  not  the 
elegance  of  the  hero's  paraphernalia,  or  the  charm  of  his 
manner,  or  the  sound  of  his  voice,  or  even  the  combina 
tion  of  these,  which  decides  what  the  measure  of  his 
influence  shall  be.  It  is  his  sincerity  which  takes  hold 
and  commends  him  to  immortality!  Earnest  conviction 
and  clear  vision  added  to  sincerity  insure  the  only  true 
greatness,  and  the  truly  great  man  always  keeps  faith 
with  those  whom  he  represents. 

Some  one  has  said  that  a  leader  is  one  who  is  going 
in  the  same  direction  with  the  people,  but  a  little  bit 
ahead,  which  only  means  that  a  leader  must  see  farther 
than  the  average  citizen;  that  a  leader  must  stimulate 
the  average  person  to  look  ahead  with  him.  This  course 
of  action  has  characterized  Governor  Wilson's  political 
record.  Note  what  he  says  of  the  average  man : 

"  You  know  that  communities  are  not  distinguished  by 
exceptional  men.  They  are  distinguished  by  the  aver 
age  of  their  citizenship.  ...  I  often  think  of  the  poor 
man  when  he  goes  to  vote:  a  moral  unit,  in  his  lonely 
dignity." 

"  The  deepest  conviction  and  passion  of  my  heart  is 
that  the  common  people,  by  which  I  mean  all  of  us,  are 
to  be  absolutely  trusted.  The  peculiarity  of  some  repre 
sentatives,  particularly  of  the  Republican  party,  is  that 
when  they  talk  about  the  people,  they  obviously  do  not 
include  themselves.  Now  if,  when  you  think  of  the 


90  WOODROW  WILSON 

people,  you  are  not  thinking  about  yourself,  then  you  do 
not  belong  in  America. 

"  When  I  look  back  at  the  processes  of  history,  when  I 
look  back  at  the  genesis  of  America,  I  see  this  written 
over  every  page,  that  the  nations  are  renewed  from  the 
bottom,  not  from  the  top;  that  the  genius  which  springs 
up  from  the  ranks  of  unknown  men  is  the  genius  which 
renews  the  youth  and  energy  of  the  people ;  and  in  every 
age  of  the  world,  where  you  stop  the  courses  of  the  blood 
from  the  roots,  you  injure  the  great,  useful  structure  to 
the  extent  that  atrophy,  death,  and  decay  are  sure  to 
ensue.  That  is  the  reason  that  an  hereditary  monarchy 
does  not  work;  that  is  the  reason  that  an  hereditary 
aristocracy  does  not  work,  that  is  the  reason  that  every 
thing  of  that  sort  is  full  of  corruption  and  ready  to  decay. 

"  So  I  say  that  our  challenge  of  to-day  is  to  include  in 
the  partnership  all  those  great  bodies  of  unnamed  men 
who  are  going  to  produce  our  future  leaders  and  renew 
the  future  energies  of  America.  And  as  I  confess  that, 
as  I  confess  my  belief  in  the  common  man,  I  know  what 
I  am  saying.  The  man  who  is  swimming  against  the 
stream  knows  the  strength  of  it.  The  man  who  is  in 
the  melee  knows  what  blows  are  being  struck  and  what 
blood  is  being  drawn.  The  man  who  is  on  the  make  is 
a  judge  of  what  is  happening  in  America,  not  the  man 
who  has  made;  not  the  man  who  has  emerged  from  the 
flood,  not  the  man  who  is  standing  on  the  bank  looking 
on,  but  the  man  who  is  struggling  for  his  life  and  for 
the  lives  of  those  who  are  dearer  to  him.  than  himself. 
That  is  the  man  whose  judgment  will  tell  you  what  is 
going  on  in  America,  and  that  is  the  man  by  whose 
judgment  I  for  one  wish  to  be  guided — so  that  as  the 
tasks  multiply  and  the  days  come  when  all  will  seem 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         91 

confusion  and  dismay,  we  may  lift  up  our  eyes  to  the 
hills  out  of  these  dark  valleys  where  the  crags  of 
special  privilege  overshadow  and  darken  our  path,  to 
where  the  sun  gleams  through  the  great  passage  in  the 
broken  cliffs,  the  sun  of  God,  the  sun  meant  to  regenerate 
men,  the  sun  meant  to  liberate  them  from  their  passion 
and  despair  and  to  lift  us  to  those  uplands  which  are  the 
promised  land  of  every  man  who  desires  liberty  and 
achievement." 

The  Governor  appealed  to  all  the  citizens  when  he 
was  a  candidate  for  office,  and  he  held  himself  responsible 
to  the  people  who  elected  him. 

During  the  discussion  of  the  Direct  Primary  Bill,  now 
a  law,  some  one  said  to  him  that  if  it  were  enacted  it 
would,  in  the  end,  crush  the  machine  which  nominated  him. 

"  True,"  said  the  Governor,  "  the  machine  nominated 
me,  but  fortunately  it  was  the  people  who  elected  me." 

The  interest  of  the  whole  people  is  his  constant  study. 
This  may  be  said  to  be  the  key-note  of  his  political 
conscience. 

"  Government  should  not  exist  for  the  advantage  and 
protection  of  a  part  of  the  people,  but  for  the  whole 
people,"  Dr.  Wilson  often  said  during  his  campaign. 

This  was  a  reminder  of  duty  which  the  Governor  gave 
in  his  inaugural  message  to  the  Legislature: 

"  Our  business  is  to  adjust  right  to  right,  interest  to 


92  WOODROW  WILSON 

interest,  and  to  systematize  right  and  convenience;  in 
dividual  rights  and  corporate  privileges  upon  the  single 
basis  of  the  general  good;  the  good  of  whole  com 
munities;  the  good  which  no  one  will  look  after  or 
suffice  to  secure  if  the  Legislature  does  not." 

When  he  was  in  training  for  the  part  he  was  to  play, 
Dr.  Wilson  had  said  in  an  able  article  on  "  The  States 
and  the  Federal  Government,"  published  in  the  North 
American  Review  in  1908:  "There  are  many  evidences 
that  we  are  losing  confidence  in  our  State  Legislatures, 
and  yet  it  is  evident  that  it  is  through  them  that  we 
attempt  all  the  more  intimate  measures  of  self-govern 
ment.  To  lose  faith  in  them  is  to  lose  faith  in  our  very 
system  of  government,  and  that  is  a  very  serious  matter." 
And  again :  "  It  is  the  privilege  of  independent  local 
opinion  and  individual  conviction  which  has  given  speed, 
facility,  vigor,  and  certainty  to  the  processes  of  our 
economic  and  political  growth." 

Governor  Wilson's  idea,  then  and  now,  consisted  in 
this:  that  the  faults  of  State  governments  are  not  due 
to  the  constitutional  divisions  of  power  between  the 
States  and  the  Nation,  but  to  the  loss  of  contact  between 
the  people  and  their  legislatures,  which  contact  has  been 
lost  through  private  management  and  organized  selfish 
ness,  representative  of  political  managers,  who  serve  their 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         93 

own  interests  and  the  interest  of  those  with  whom  they 
find  it  profitable  to  establish  partnerships. 

There  were  two  methods  by  which  Governor  Wilson 
proposed  to  restore  contact  between  the  people  and  the 
Legislature  in  New  Jersey:  one,  by  injecting  publicity 
into  legislative  committees,  heretofore  labelled,  "  No  ad 
mittance  " ;  and  the  other,  by  turning  the  hose  of  public 
opinion  on  the  Legislature  through  executive  leadership. 
"Put  up  or  shut  up"  (before  quoted),  and  "Pitiless 
publicity  "  are  the  Governor's  favorite  slogans. 

There  was  nothing  which  gave  the  chief  executive  more 
pleasure  during  the  last  session  of  the  Legislature  than 
to  sit  for  hours  in  conference  with  committees,  framing 
legislation,  or  to  meet  the  entire  Assembly  in  the  Supreme 
Court  Chamber,  where  he  persuaded  them  to  pass  the 
Direct  Primary  and  Election  bills.  Here  the  Governor 
found  his  shorthand  as  useful  as  it  used  to  be  when  he 
took  notes  in  the  class-room,  or  later  when  he  served  on 
faculty  committees.  Here  he  could  use  his  gift  of  elo 
quence  as  well  as  he  did  when  lecturing  before  a  class 
on  Jurisprudence,  or  making  a  campaign  speech. 

"  Was  it  custom  which  kept  you  off  the  floor  of  the 
House  and  the  Senate?  "  I  inquired. 

"  It  was,"  and  then  the  Governor  made  an  explanation. 


94  WOODROW  WILSON 

"  The  whole  country,  since  it  cannot  decipher  the  methods 
of  its  legislation,  is  clamoring  for  leadership;  and  a  new 
r61e,  which  to  many  persons  seems  little  less  than  un 
constitutional,  is  thrust  upon  our  executives.  The  people 
are  impatient  of  a  President  who  will  not  formulate 
policy  and  insist  upon  its  adoption.  They  are  impatient 
of  a  governor  who  will  not  exercise  energetic  leader 
ship;  who  will  not  make  his  appeals  directly  to  public 
opinion  and  insist  that  the  dictates  of  public  opinion 
be  carried  out  in  definite  legal  reforms,  of  his  own 
suggestion. 

"  It  is  considered  something  more  than  a  breach  of 
propriety  for  an  executive  to  venture  to  dictate  to  the 
legislative  branch  of  the  government,  and  yet  this  scruple 
is  undoubtedly  based  upon  an  ignorance  of  our  actual 
constitutional  provisions.  Almost  every  State  constitu 
tion  not  only  gives  the  Governor  what  the  Federal  Con 
stitution  gives  the  President,  the  right  to  send  messages 
to  the  legislature,  expressing  his  views  upon  public  mat 
ters  in  any  way  he  pleases,  but  also,  like  the  Federal 
Constitution,  gives  him  the  right  to  recommend  measures 
without  naming  or  restricting  the  form  in  which  his 
recommendation  of  measures  shall  be  made.  It  seems 
perfectly  clear  that  it  is  the  explicit  prerogative  of  prac 
tically  every  American  executive  to  recommend  measures 
if  he  pleases  in  the  form  of  bills.  It  is  no  presumption 
on  his  part,  therefore,  and  no  invasion  of  the  rights 
of  any  other  branch  of  government,  if  he  presses  his 
views  in  any  form  that  he  pleases,  upon  the  law-making 
body." 

Once  when  Governor  Wilson  was  accused  of  exceeding 
his  constitutional  rights  on  account  of  the  pressure  which 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         95 

he  brought  to  bear  on  the  Legislature,  he  simply  read  to 
his  accuser  this  section  of  the  New  Jersey  constitution: 

"  The  Governor  shall  communicate  by  message  to  the 
Legislature  at  the  opening  of  each  session,  and  at  such, 
other  times  as  he  may  deem  necessary,  the  condition  of 
the  State,  and  recommend  such  measures  as  he  may  deem 
expedient." 

And  then  the  Governor  said :  "  Inasmuch  as  it 
is  next  to  impossible  to  determine  who  is  running  the 
legislature  from  the  inside,  there  is  an  instinctive  de 
sire  that  there  should  be  some  force  directing  and 
leading  it  from  the  outside;  some  force  which  shall 
be  obvious  and  therefore  responsible,  open  to  the  view 
of  everybody  and  subject  only  to  the  restraints  of 
public  opinion.  Public  opinion  must  by  hook  or  crook 
get  into  the  business.  If  it  cannot  get  into  it  through 
committee-rooms,  it  may  possibly  get  into  it  through 
executive  leadership.  If  these  things  don't  work  the 
Initiative  and  Keferendum  will." 

"  And  that  is  exactly  where  some  of  your  friends  be 
lieve  that  you  are  making  a  mistake  in  regard  to  the 
Initiative  and  Referendum,"  I  interrupted. 

"  No  one  proposes  to  substitute  the  Initiative  and 
Referendum  for  our  present  methods  of  legislation,  but 
everybody  perceives  that  as  legislation  is  now  managed, 
public  opinion  cannot  reach  it.  The  Initiative  and 
Referendum  is  a  means  of  lodging  in  the  people  an  in 
strument  of  control,  of  which  the  legislators  shall  at  all 
times  be  conscious. 

"  My  visit  to  Oregon  and  my  observation  at  first  hand 
of  the  direct  legislation  law  there  has  not  only  convinced 
me  of  its  success  as  a  practical  measure  but  also  forced 


96  WOODROW  WILSON 

upon  me  the  conclusion  that  it  is  a  conservative  rather 
than  a  radical  force.  The  preparation  necessary  to  the 
proper  operation  of  the  law  induces  calm  reflection." 

"Will  this  not  be  an  efficient  means  of  safeguarding 
the  editing  of  bills  by  reducing  the  number  of  loop-hole 
measures,  whose  authors  will  fear  the  use  of  the  Initiative 
or  the  outcome  of  the  Referendum?  " 

"  I  knew  where  a  great  many  of  the  measures  of  the 
New  Jersey  Legislature  originated  until  the  last  session. 
They  were  drawn  up  in  the  offices  of  certain  corporation 
lawyers.  That  is  where  they  were  drawn  up,  almost  in 
variably,  and  these  gentlemen  objected  to  anybody  else 
drawing  them  up.  They  objected  to  having  an  ordinary 
citizen,  not  connected  with  a  big  corporation,  assume  to 
suggest  a  bill. 

"  Nearly  all  bills  are  privately  edited.  When  I  was 
in  Portland,  The  Oregonian  announced  that  there  were 
two  legislatures  in  the  State:  one  at  Salem,  and  the 
other  under  W.  S.  U'Ren's  hat  (the  originator  of  the 
Oregon  system).  The  implication  was  that  it  was  most 
undesirable  to  have  a  legislature  under  Mr.  U'ren's  hat. 
After  this  I  remarked  in  an  address  before  the  Portland 
Commercial  Club,  that  I  would  prefer  legislation  drafted 
under  W.  S.  IPKen's  hat,  or  under  any  honest  man's  or 
fearless  leader's  hat,  to  laws  drafted  under  God  knows 
whose  hat." 

"  Speaking  of  leaders,  do  you  not  believe  that  the  life 
of  every  leader  impregnates  the  entire  body  politic;  that 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER         97 

a  leader's  influence  reaches  each  of  us  whether  we  are 
conscious  of  it  or  not?" 

"  Oh,  it  does/7  said  the  Governor,  and  this  time  he 
spoke  most  intensely.  His  manner  and  voice  reflected 
the  deep  sincerity  that  lies  in  him. 

I  then  realized  that  the  Governor  was  fully  conscious 
of  his  responsibilities ;  that  he  would  never  venture  where 
he  did  not  believe  himself  to  be  prepared  to  serve  the 
people's  interests;  that  he  would  always  keep  the  faith. 
The  words  of  the  lips  may  deceive,  the  glances  of  the 
eve,  or  the  gestures  of  the  hand,  but  the  essence  of 
character,  the  silent  influence  we  radiate  can  never 
deceive. 

"  Don't  you  believe  that  the  bad  examples  of  some  of 
their  leaders  have  made  many  of  the  French  people  super 
ficial,  and  led  them  to  esteem  the  froth  more  than  the 
substance  of  things  ?  "  I  inquired. 

"  The  French  have  naturally  an  analytical  strain.  They 
are  suspicious  and  they  have  reason  to  be,  and  so  have 
we,"  and  now  the  Governor  spoke  decidedly. 

I  then  told  him  a  story  of  a  high  school  boy  who  was 
asked  this  question :  "  If  Thomas  Carlyle  were  to  write 
a  Heroes  and  Hero  Worship  to-day,  based  on  American 
political  characters,  what  ones  would  he  be  most  likely 


98  WOODROW  WILSON 

to  choose?  "  The  boy's  answer  was :  "  Benjamin  Frank 
lin,  George  Washington,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  Grover  Cleveland,  Theodore 
Roosevelt,  and  Woodrow  Wilson." 

At  this  the  Governor  smiled  modestly,  and  replied  in 
a  manner  which  indicated  that  the  schoolboy's  classifica 
tion,  so  far  as  Woodrow  Wilson  was  concerned,  was  only 
the  result  of  youthful  enthusiasm.  (I  believe  that  the 
youth  will  prove  himself  a  prophet.) 

Will  not  a  governor,  who,  from  the  very  first,  could 
discipline  a  New  Jersey  Legislature,  and  secure  in  one 
year  more  for  the  people  of  the  State  than  had  been 
secured  in  all  the  previous  history  of  the  commonwealth, 
deserve  to  be  honored  not  only  by  the  Hall  of  Fame,  but 
to  live  in  the  memory  of  every  true  American,  as  long 
as  the  Republic  shall  stand? 

Notice,  Woodrow  Wilson,  in  every  event  of  his  career, 
has  begun  things  right;  observe  carefully  his  first  stroke 
in  every  new  undertaking.  There  is  no  compromise,  no 
bungling.  He  seems  intuitively  to  know  what  is  due  the 
people. 

You  see  it  had  never  been  the  custom  of  the  old  bi 
partisan  machine  of  New  Jersey  to  concern  itself  about 
promises  after  election,  but  Governor  Wilson  took  it  upon 
himself  to  assist  the  citizens  of  the  State  to  secure  the 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER          99 

legislation  for  which  they  had  been  vainly  hoping  for 
years. 

As  the  reform  measures  passed  it  was  often  remarked 
that  some  gentlemen  who  had  previously  dedicated  their 
energies  to  the  defeat  of  similar  bills  now  expressed 
pleasure  in  voting  for  them,  but  there  were  reasons  why. 
Governor  Wilson's  straightforward  campaign  had  awak 
ened  the  people,  and  he  kept  up  their  interest.  The  cam 
paign  before  election  was  a  tame  affair  compared  with 
the  recrudescence  which  followed. 

The  New  York  Evening  Post,  in  commenting  upon  the 
work  of  the  New  Jersey  Legislature  after  the  1911  ses 
sion,  said: 

"  Governor  Wilson's  tact  and  skill,  his  far-reaching 
knowledge  of  political  conditions,  and  his  undaunted 
courage,  combined  with  a  dogged  insistence  that  the 
Legislature  redeem  its  pledges; — these  things  have  re 
sulted  in  writing  into  law  in  a  remarkably  short  space 
of  time  the  pledges  of  the  Democratic  platform.  The 
bosses  have  been  routed;  there  has  been  no  suggestion 
of  graft  or  corruption;  no  midnight  orgies  in  low  road- 
houses  marked  the  wind-up  of  this  session,  and  the  legis 
lation  that  has  been  enacted  will  attract  attention  all 
over  the  country  because  of  its  thorough-going  character." 

The  success  of  Governor  Wilson  in  a  machine-ridden 
State  in  inducing  the  Legislature  to  keep  faith  with  the 


100  WOODROW  WILSON 

people,  will  constitute  one  of  the  most  interesting  and 
inspiring  chapters  in  the  history  of  American  politics. 
Is  it  not  safe  to  predict  that,  if  elected  President,  he 
will  do  for  the  nation  as  much  as  he  has  already  done 
for  his  own  State? 

That  the  general  reader  may  have  an  acquaintance 
with  the  merits  of  the  Wilson  programme,  the  following 
chapter  is  devoted  to  a  review  of  the  most  important 
laws  enacted  in  1911. 


CHAPTER  VI 

REFORM    LEGISLATION 

"  I  earnestly  commend  to  your  careful  consideration  the  laws 
in  recent  years  adopted  in  the  State  of  Oregon,  whose  effect  has 
been  to  bring  government  back  to  the  people  and  to  protect 
it  from  the  control  of  the  representatives  of  selfish  and  special 
interests.  They  seen  to  me  to  point  the  direction  which  we 
must  also  take  before  we  have  completed  our  regeneration  of 
a  government  which  has  suffered  so  seriously  and  so  long  as 
ours  has  here  in  New  Jersey,  from  private  management  and 
organized  selfishness. 

"  It  is  not  the  foolish  ardor  of  too  sanguine  or  too  radical 
reform  that  I  urge  upon  you,  but  merely  the  tasks  that  are 
evident  and  pressing;  the  things  we  have  knowledge  and  guid 
ance  enough  to  do  and  to  do  with  confidence  and  energy.  I 
merely  point  out  the  present  business  of  progressive  and  ser 
viceable  government,  the  next  stage  on  the  journey  of  duty. 
The  path  is  as  inviting  as  it  is  plain.  Shall  we  hesitate  to 
tread  it?  I  look  forward  with  genuine  pleasure  to  the  prospect 
of  being  your  comrade  upon  it." — From  GOVERNOR  WILSON'S 
Inaugural  Address. 

LEGISLATION  in  the  general  interests  in  New  Jersey! 
The  Oregon  system!  To  bring  government  back  to  the 
people !  "  Shall  we  hesitate  to  tread  the  plain  path  of 
duty  ?  "  and,  "  I  am  to  be  your  comrade  upon  it !  " 

Surely  it  required  a  long  record  of  consistent  deeds 
back  of  a  governor  who  wrote  such  a  message  to  insure 
his  being  taken  seriously.  A  few  years  ago  we  would 

101 


102  WOODROW  WILSON 

almost  have  questioned  the  sanity  of  an  incoming  gov 
ernor  who  would  have  dared  to  propose  such  innovations. 
And  there  was  no  misunderstanding  that  the  new  chief 
executive  meant  that  the  Legislature  should  get  down  to 
business  at  a  Thomas-Edison  rate  of  speed. 

After  denouncing  the  State's  laws  in  regard  to  the 
relations  of  employer  and  employee  as  inadequate  and 
impossible,  urging  the  passage  of  an  adequate  Public 
Utilities  Bill,  the  necessity  of  extending  and  perfecting 
the  Primary  laws,  the  imperative  need  of  ballot  reform 
and  honest  election  laws,  the  executive  who  came  intro 
duced  as  an  untrained  theorist,  unacquainted  with  the 
game  of  politics  casually  remarked :  "  We  have  lagged 
behind  our  sister  States  in  these  important  matters,  and 
should  make  haste  to  avail  ourselves  of  their  example 
and  their  experience.  Here  again  Oregon  may  be  our 
guide. 

"  This  is  a  big  programme,  but  it  is  a  perfectly  con 
sistent  programme,  and  a  perfectly  feasible  programme, 
and  one  upon  whose  details  it  ought  to  be  possible  to 
agree  even  within  the  limits  of  a  single  legislative  session." 

Whish!  Whack!  Bang!  Clear  the  track!  A  "  Twentieth- 
Century-Limited  "  programme  for  Trenton!  During  his 
campaign  the  Governor  had  been  talking  about  corpora 
tions  taking  joy  rides,  and  evidently  he  had  made  up  his 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       103 

mind  that  to  overtake  some  of  these  joy  riders  it  is  often 
necessary  to  take  a  joy  ride  ourselves. 

But  Trenton  is  a  little  slow.  It  only  supports  one 
taxicab,  No.  1122  N.  J.,  and  the  first  thing  which  one 
sees  in  a  journey  from  the  Pennsylvania  Depot  to  the 
Capitol  is  a  cemetery.  Naturally,  a  six-cylinder  ninety- 
horse-power  type  of  governor  was  bound  to  attract  some 
attention  when  he  arrived.  That  the  effect  was  local 
as  well  as  State  and  nation-wide  is  proven  by  the  adop 
tion  in  Trenton  of  the  Commission  form  of  government, 
earnestly  recommended  by  Governor  Wilson. 

But  to  get  back  to  his  reforms  and  the  qualities  of 
his  statesmanship  which  secured  them.  "  I  am  accused 
of  being  a  radical.  If  to  seek  to  go  to  the  root  of  things 
is  a  radical,  a  radical  I  am."  And  again,  "  Do  you  want 
to  stand  pat?  Do  you  want  to  stand  still?  Do  you 
want  all  the  things  that  have  been  safeguarded  against  ? 
Or  do  you  want  to  do  what  is  so  characteristic  of  the 
American  people,  to  turn  bravely  about?" 

Governor  Wilson  is  glad  that  he  is  not  a  standpatter. 
He  says  so.  He  wants  twentieth-century  tools  for 
twentieth-century  workmanship. 

The  crude  institutions  of  party  conventions;  the  em 
ployee's  burden  of  fighting  powerful,  composite  employers ; 
corrupt  practices  in  elections ;  and  "  toothless  "  public 


104  WOODROW  WILSON 

utilities  commissions,  belong  to  an  age  of  cave-dwellers 
in  whose  habitations  we  may  find  to-day  the  same  tools 
which  we  would  now  be  using  if  all  of  our  ancestors  had 
been  standpatters. 

The  eradication  of  inefficient  laws  and  the  substitution 
of  up-to-date  reforms  were  the  chief  features  of  the 
Wilson  programme,  which  gave  to  our  State  national 
prominence,  in  the  r61e  of  progressiveness.  And  the  re 
form  legislation  was  all  accomplished  in  spite  of  the 
pressure  brought  to  bear  by  the  bi-partisan  machines  and 
their  formidable  lobbyists.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
while  the  Assembly  was  Democratic,  it  contained  many 
"  trimmers/-'  and  the  State  Senate  was  Republican  by 
three  majority.  "  With  cannon  to  right  of  them  and 
cannon  to  left  of  them,"  the  Governor,  the  Senate  minor 
ity  leader,  Harry  V.  Osborne,  and  the  people's  men  in 
the  Assembly,  had  a  continual  fight  on  their  hands.  But 
the  Governor  was  the  pilot,  who  saved  "  The  Ship  of 
State  "  from  wreckage. 

Mr.  Osborne  edited  a  Public  Utilities  Bill.  This  meas 
ure  has  been  declared  by  many  of  the  ablest  lawyers  in 
the  United  States  to  be  the  most  stringent  in  the 
Union.  "  It  has,"  as  the  Governor  says,  "  teeth  in  it." 
It  gives  the  Public  Utilities  Board,  appointed  by  the 
Governor,  the  power  to  investigate  upon  its  own  motion, 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       105 

or  upon  complaint  of  any  one  in  writing,  any  public 
utility;  grants  the  Board  authority  to  fix  rates,  to  enter 
the  premises  of  any  public  utility,  to  test  appliances,  to 
exact  safe,  adequate,  and  proper  service,  to  require  a 
system  of  accounts  and  annual  reports  kept  in  such  form 
as  the  Board  may  prescribe;  to  determine  whether  in 
creases  of  rates  are  reasonable,  and  to  suspend  the  same 
where  unjust,  with  the  burden  of  proof  to  show  that 
the  increases  are  reasonable  to  lie  wholly  upon  the 
public  untilities  corporation  making  the  same.  No  pub 
lic  utility  can  make  any  unjust  discrimination  or  prefer 
ential  rate,  extend  its  indebtedness,  or  issue  stocks  or 
bonds  payable  in  more  than  one  year  from  date,  without 
the  consent  of  the  Board;  nor  can  it  sell,  lease,  or  mort 
gage,  dispose  of  or  encumber  its  property,  without  the 
approval  of  the  Board;  nor  transfer  its  stock  to  other 
companies.  The  Board  may  order  and  direct  proper  pro 
tection  at  grade  crossings.  It  may  refuse  to  make  valid 
privileges  or  franchises  granted  to  any  public  utility  by 
any  political  subdivision  of  the  State,  where  such  privi 
leges  are  not  in  the  State's  interest.  The  Board  makes 
its  own  rules  for  hearings,  may  compel  the  attendance  of 
witnesses  and  the  production  of  records,  may  exact  any 
testimony,  even  though  it  incriminate  witnesses. 

Failure  to  comply  with  any  order  of  the  Public  Utilities 


106  WOODROW  WILSON 

Board  makes  the  offenders  subject  to  a  fine  of  $100  per 
day;  and  observance  of  the  orders  of  the  Board  may  be 
enforced  by  mandamus  or  injunction,  or  by  suit  in  equity. 
The  misdemeanor  clause  of  the  law  is  as  strong  as  an 
eight-ply  Manila  rope,  and  when  the  bill  was  in  progress, 
the  corporations  kept  a  vigilance  committee  installed 
night  and  day  in  Trenton,  seeking  the  elimination  of 
this  feature,  in  particular;  but  for  once  their  efforts 
were  in  vain. 

Under  the  law,  any  person  or  public  utility  corpora 
tion  which  shall  perform  or  assist  in  performing  any  act 
prohibited  by  the  law,  or  any  public  utilities  corpora 
tion  which  shall  fail  or  neglect  to  perform  its  duties,  as 
required  by  the  act,  shall  be  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor. 

If  any  provision  of  the  law  is  finally  declared  uncon 
stitutional,  no  other  provision  is  to  be  affected  by  the 
Court's  decision. 

Although  the  present  law  has  only  been  in  force  since 
May  1,  1911,  several  reprehensible  evils  of  public  ser 
vice  corporations  have  been  corrected,  and  indications 
are  that  the  interests  of  the  people,  as  well  as  those 
of  the  corporations,  will  ultimately  be  conserved  and 
insured. 

Here  are  some  of  the  most  important  things  which 
the  Commission  has  done.  A  ruling  has  already  been 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       107 

made  which  extends  the  street-car  transfer  privileges  in 
Newark,  where  350,000  people  are  benefited.  The  Adams 
Express  Company  has  been  compelled  to  extend  its  de 
livery  service  free  to  the  Hill  Crest  section  of  Trenton, 
where  it  had  formerly  extorted  excessive  charges  from 
the  residents  of  that  locality.  The  Consolidated  Gas 
Company  has  been  required  to  reduce  its  rates  for  gas 
and  electricity  in  sixteen  communities.  In  Newark  the 
Public  Service  Kailway  Company  attempted  to  abolish 
school  children's  commutation  tickets.  The  Public  Util 
ities  Board  ordered  these  tickets  restored  and  the  Public 
Service  Company  secured  a  court  review,  by  certiorari, 
with  the  result  that  the  Supreme  Court  sustained  the  action 
of  the  Board.  The  tickets  are  again  in  force.  New  Jersey 
commuters  appealed  to  the  Commission  to  secure  a  reduc 
tion  of  railroad  rates  between  Jersey  points  and  New 
York.  Since  this  was  a  matter  coming  under  the  juris 
diction  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  our 
State  Commission  urged  the  claims  of  the  commuters 
before  that  body,  with  the  result  that  a  reduction  of 
rate  schedules  was  ordered. 

Heretofore,  the  railroads  have  refused  to  sell  commu 
tation  and  special-rate  tickets  from  places  within  the 
State  to  Jersey  City  and  Hoboken.  They  have  only 
recognized  New  York  as  a  terminal  point.  Our  Utilities 


108  WOODROW  WILSON 

Board  has  ordered  that  tickets  must  be  sold  to  those 
commuters  thus  discriminated  against. 

The  Commission  has  made  an  order  that  corporations 
which  receive  certificates  of  approval  for  issuing  securi 
ties  must  make  half-year  reports  of  the  amount  of  stock 
or  securities  issued,  sold,  and  delivered,  and  the  extent 
to  and  the  purposes  for  which  the  proceeds  have  been 
disbursed.  This  is,  of  course,  to  prevent  stock -watering. 
A  rule  has  been  established  which  makes  it  mandatory 
that  corporations  operating  under  limited  franchises  shall 
continue  to  give  safe  and  adequate  service  after  the  ex 
piration  of  the  terms  of  the  franchises.  Before  ratifying 
a  franchise  the  Commission  may  impose  conditions  which 
shall  insure  the  permanent  efficiency  of  a  corporation's 
service. 

The  Board  has  forced  a  telephone  company  to  give 
adequate  service  upon  demand.  It  has  ordered  better 
protection  at  grade  crossings,  and  has  refused  to  approve 
the  building  of  new  grade  crossings,  where  public  safety 
threatened  to  be  endangered.  It  has  compelled  the  build 
ing  of  elevators  in  a  large  tunnel-station.  It  has  ordered 
a  reduction  of  Pullman  rates  to  seashore  points.  It  has 
required  a  railroad  company  to  restore  a  bridge  illegally 
removed.  It  has  enforced  rules  for  safeguarding  traffic 
on  railroads  and  trolley  lines. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       109 

In  the  interest  of  the  corporations,  and  in  justice  to 
them,  it  has  refused  in  one  case  to  approve  a  franchise 
of  an  independent  gas  company,  where  competition  would 
have  been  wasteful  and  expensive.  It  has  refused  to 
order  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  to  build  a  station,  at 
a  place  on  its  New  York  tunnel  line,  where  such  a 
building  would  have  meant  great  expense  to  the  company, 
and  serious  interference  with  its  through  passenger  traffic. 

More  discipline  of  the  corporations  is  on  the  way  as 
soon  as  the  Board  can  complete  its  data,  where  investiga 
tions  are  being  conducted. 

The  Employers'  Liability  Laws  of  New  Jersey  were 
obsolete  relics  of  past  years  handed  down  from  a  time 
when  machinery  was  unknown.  Our  present  law  places 
the  responsibility  of  looking  after  the  injured  on  the 
employer,  thus  properly  charging  the  expense  against  the 
cost  of  production,  the  same  as  any  other  expense,  instead 
of  having  the  injured  depend  on  charity.  In  the  last 
analysis  the  consumer  will  and  should  bear  such  burdens. 
The  new  law  makes  provision  for  the  equitable  distribu 
tion  of  the  money  which  heretofore  has  been  wasted  in 
litigation. 

It  may  be  operated  under  one  of  two  sections.  The 
first  provides  that  the  amount  of  liability  for  accidents 
shall  be  determined  by  suit  in  court,  if  the  employer  or 


110  WOODROW  WILSON 

employee  shall  so  elect.  But  in  case  of  suit,  the  old 
"  fellow-servant "  and  "  contributory  negligence  "  clauses 
are  eliminated.  The  second  section  provides  for  definite 
compensation  for  all  injuries  sustained  by  employees  in 
course  of  their  employment. 

Recognizing  that  workmen's  compensation  means  in 
dustrial  peace  and  employers'  liability  industrial  war, 
the  Public  Service  and  some  other  large  corporations 
have  already  made  preparations  for  operating  under  the 
second  section  of  the  law,  with  the  cheerful  consent  of 
those  in  their  employ. 

Our  former  Direct  Primary  Law  only  provided  for 
the  nomination  of  municipal  officers,  assemblymen  and 
senators,  by  the  people.  Now  it  has  been  extended  to 
every  elective  office,  including  the  governor,  congress 
men,  members  of  the  county  and  state  committees,  and 
delegates  to  the  national  conventions. 

The  State  conventions  of  both  parties  are  held  at  the 
same  time,  one  week  after  the  primaries.  Instead  of 
being  composed  of  delegates,  selected  by  no  one  knows 
whom,  they  are  made  up  simply  of  the  candidates  named 
in  the  primaries.  Those  nominated  for  senators  and 
assemblymen,  with  the  hold-over  senators  of  each  party 
constitute  the  members  of  each  convention.  The  gov 
ernor  is  a  member  of  the  convention  of  his  own  party. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       111 

By  this  plan  the  number  of  delegates  in  each  of  our 
state  conventions  is  cut  clown  from  nearly  one  thousand 
to  less  than  eighty. 

Presidential  Preference  primaries  are  provided.  New 
Jersey  was  the  first  Eastern  State  to  adopt  this  kind  of 
primary. 

Candidates  for  the  Legislature  must  file  with  the  County 
Clerk  one  of  two  statements:  either  that  the  candidate 
will  vote  for  that  nominee  for  the  United  States  Senate 
who  receives  the  highest  number  of  votes  in  the  candi 
date's  party  in  the  primary  preceding  the  election  of  a 
United  States  Senator;  or  that  he  shall  consider  the 
vote  of  the  people  for  United  States  Senator  as  a  recom 
mendation,  which  as  a  member  of  the  Legislature  he  may 
disregard,  if  he  sees  sufficient  reason  for  so  doing. 

Personal  registration  is  required  in  municipalities  con 
taining  more  than  five  thousand  people.  No  one  is  al 
lowed  to  vote  at  the  primary  until  he  registers  for  the 
general  election.  Registration  involves  the  answering 
of  a  series  of  questions  by  the  voter  regarding  his  iden 
tity.  Voters  who  can  write  must  sign  their  statements. 
If  a  voter  cannot  write  he  must  make  a  further  identifica 
tion  statement  in  lieu  of  his  signature.  The  sample 
primary  ballots  are  mailed  to  each  voter,  but  these  bal 
lots  cannot  be  voted.  Ballots  to  be  voted  at  the  primaries 


112  WOODROW  WILSON 

are  given  to  the  citizens  at  the  primary  polling  places 
on  primary  day  by  the  election  officers.  None  of  these 
ballots  is  allowed  outside  the  polling  places. 

The  same  process  is  used  in  regard  to  the  distribution 
of  ballots  before  and  at  the  general  election.  On  elec 
tion  day  the  voter  must  sign  his  name  on  the  poll-book 
that  it  may  be  compared  with  the  signature  on  the 
registration  book.  He  must  sign  before  he  receives  a 
ballot.  Illiterate  voters,  who  cannot  write,  must  here 
make  answers  to  questions  concerning  their  identity  and 
the  answers  are  compared  with  those  which  were  made 
when  they  registered. 

At  the  primaries  there  are  separate  ballots  for  each 
party.  At  the  general  election  the  single  or  blanket 
ballot  is  used.  Party  emblems  are  abolished.  The  voter 
votes  for  individual  candidates  whose  names  appear  in 
alphabetic  order,  with  the  party  to  which  each  belongs 
indicated  by  its  name,  at  the  right.  He  must  vote  a 
ballot,  not  a  ticket. 

The  new  Election  Law  is  strongly  reinforced  by  the 
Corrupt  Practices  Act.  All  committees  designated  by 
candidates  to  carry  on  their  campaigns  are  required  to 
file  itemized  statements  showing  every  receipt  and  ex 
penditure,  and  each  candidate  must  file  a  sworn  state 
ment  of  his  personal  contributions.  There  is  also  a  limit 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       113 

to  the  amount  which  candidates  may  spend,  in  seeking 
nomination  and  election.  This  varies  according  to  the 
salary  paid  by  the  office.  Any  candidate  who  fails  to 
comply  with  this  feature  of  the  law  must  forfeit  the 
office  to  which  he  shall  be  elected. 

All  campaign  literature  must  bear  the  inscription  of 
the  writer's  name.  No  money  may  be  spent  for  trans 
porting  voters  to  the  polls,  unless  they  are  physically 
unable  to  go,  in  which  case  the  expense  is  paid  by  the 
county. 

There  are  various  specific  acts  designated  which  con 
stitute  violations  of  the  law.  Candidates  are  protected 
from  solicitations  of  private  individuals  for  churches, 
clubs,  charitable  institutions,  and  other  organizations. 
Corporation  contributions  in  any  form  are  positively  for 
bidden.  Pay  envelopes  must  not  bear  political  inscrip 
tions.  No  political  hand-bills  containing  threats  or 
coercive  statements  can  be  posted  in  factories  under 
penalty  of  forfeiture  of  the  charters  possessed  by  the 
corporations  guilty  of  such  misdemeanor.  Any  person 
violating  this  provision  is  also  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor. 

The  secrecy  of  the  ballot  is  strongly  safeguarded.  The 
records  of  corruption  in  the  conduct  of  elections  in  this 
State  in  previous  years  have  been  most  disgraceful  and 
extraordinary.  Accordingly,  the  new  law  makes  fraud- 


114  WOODROW  WILSON 

ulent  voting  and  ballot-box  stuffing  practically  impossible. 
The  destruction  of  records  in  the  recent  Atlantic  County 
election  frauds,  where  Judge  Samuel  Kalisch,  appointed 
by  Governor  Wilson,  the  first  Hebrew,  in  the  State, 
ever  elevated  to  the  Supreme  Court  Bench,  so  ad 
mirably  applied  the  law  to  the  offenders,  led  to  most 
stringent  legislation  for  the  punishment  of  such  notori 
ous  lawbreakers  in  future.  Altogether,  with  these 
measures  of  protection  we  are  pretty  well  intrenched 
against  repeaters  and  election  crooks  of  all  classes.  Al 
ready  it  has  been  discovered  in  carrying  over  the  primary 
registry  lists  from  1910  that  thousands  of  voters,  who 
resided  on  vacant  lots  at  that  time,  have  moved  away, 
evidently  because  they  did  not  like  the  new  election 
laws;  or  possibly  because  New  Jersey  winters  are  get 
ting  colder.  Wagon-loads  of  sample  ballots  mailed  to 
"  spook "  voters  have  been  returned  to  the  post-offices. 
"  One  thing  is  sure,"  as  the  governor  says,  "  only  flesh- 
and-blood  men  will  vote  in  this  State,  in  future." 

Another  step  forward  in  progressive  legislation  was 
taken  by  the  enactment  of  a  statute  which  gives  cities 
and  municipalities  of  the  State  the  privilege  of  adopting 
the  commission  form  of  government,  under  what  was 
known  originally  as  the  "  Galveston  Plan,"  which  provides 
for  the  complete  abandonment  of  nomination  of  candidates 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       115 

for  office  by  political  parties,  the  abolition  of  ward  bound 
ary  lines,  the  merging  of  the  legislative  and  the  executive 
functions  in  a  commission,  the  right  of  the  recall  of 
elective  officers,  and  the  initiative  and  referendum. 

Add  to  this  list  of  reforms  the  regulation  of  cold- 
storage,  the  substitution  of  indeterminate  sentences  for 
criminal  offences,  the  rectification  of  abuses  in  connec 
tion  with  false  weights  and  measures,  the  reorganization 
of  the  State's  school  system,  the  abolition  of  contract 
labor  in  our  penal  institutions,  the  legislation  in  the 
interest  of  the  blind,  the  regulation  of  the  age,  employ 
ment,  safety,  health,  and  work-hours  of  persons  employed 
in  mercantile  establishments,  an  act  for  the  safeguard 
ing  of  business  buildings  against  fire;  a  law  compelling 
all  railroad  corporations  to  pay  their  employees  twice 
monthly,  and  a  law  extending  the  civil  service  to  em 
ployees  of  the  State,  counties,  and  municipalities,  and  we 
have  one  of  the  most  remarkable  records  of  legislation 
that  has  ever  distinguished  a  single  legislative  session 
in  this  country. 

Was  not  New  Jersey  really  the  first  of  the  three  East 
ern  States  "  to  get  out  of  the  hole  "?  Did  not  J.  Lincoln 
Steffens's  prophecy  come  true? 


CHAPTER  VII 

ELEVATION   OF   THE   TONE   OF    PUBLIC   OFFICE 

"  No  Democrat  of  modern  times  has  come  into  the  running, 
Samuel  J.  Tilden  alone  expected,  with  half  at  once  of  the  equip 
ment  and  the  claim  of  the  eminent  Governor  of  New  Jersey. 
He  may  be  fairly  described  as  the  intellectual,  not  to  say  the 
moral,  light  of  the  Democracy  of  the  new  day,  which  is  dawn 
ing  upon  us.  It  was  Tilden,  another  Wallenstein,  who  assembled 
the  broken  forces  into  the  desolate  camps  of  Democracy,  after 
the  ruinous  campaign  of  1872.  If  we  are  to  have  a  recrudes 
cence  and  not  a  mere  revival,  it  will  come  at  the  hands  of 
Woodrow  Wilson.  It  will  not  be  possible  at  the  hands  of  some 
nondescript  crossing  the  dead  line  of  the  two  thirds  rule  at 
the  end  of  self-seeking  dicker  and  barter.  These  have  far  too 
often  discredited  the  national  conventions  of  both  our  parties. 
Let  us  hope  they  will  not  cheat  Democracy  in  1912  of  an  actual 
leader  and  a  great  victory." — Quoted  from  COLONEL  HENRY 
WATTERSON,  in  the  Louisville  Courier  Journal,  October  3,  1911. 
This  is  what  the  Colonel  thought  before  the  now  famous  Harvey- 
Wilson-Watterson  rumpus. 

"You  will  never  elevate  the  tone  of  public  office  until  the 
people  evince  more  interest  in  the  tone  of  their  public  officers." 
— HARRY  V.  OSBORNE. 

How  are  we  going  to  elevate  the  tone  of  public  office 
to  correspond  with  the  increasing  dignity  and  power  of 
the  State  and  the  Nation?  A  question  which  has  puzzled 
and  perplexed  us  for  some  time,  and  to  which  there  can 
be  but  one  answer.  We  must  exercise  greater  care  in 

the  choice  of  public  officials.    We  must  seek  executives 

116 


NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER  117 

gifted  not  only  with  a  capacity  for  leadership,  but  who 
have  an  immaculate  conception  of  duty  and  public  trust. 
Obviously,  if  we  can  induce  such  men  to  become  political 
leaders,  our  legislators  will  give  us  better  service  because 
of  the  stimulus  which  the  executive  gives  to  them  through 
intimate  contact.  And  this  does  not  mean  the  influence 
of  a  dominating  personality,  as  some  would  make  us 
believe.  It  means  that  executives  may  establish  stand 
ards  in  public  life  which  .shall  call  forth  the  very  best 
energies  of  officials. 

Do  you  know,  after  all,  what  is  the  greatest  service 
which  Governor  Wilson  has  rendered  to  the  people  of 
New  Jersey?  Let  us  see.  He  met  the  professional  time- 
worn  politicians  of  the  State  on  much  higher  ground 
than  they  anticipated,  and  many  of  them  were  gradually, 
almost  unconsciously,  elevated  to  the  Governor's  world  of 
idealism,  the  principles  of  which  he  has  proven  may  be 
applied  to  practical  affairs.  The  secret  of  his  leadership 
does  not  lie  in  his  ability  to  bring  men  under  the  control 
of  his  irresistible  influence,  but  rather  in  the  purity  of 
his  moral  vision,  and  he  seems  utterly  unconscious  of  the 
fact  that  his  purposes  and  ideals  are  in  such  decided 
contrast  with  the  seasoned  timbers  in  politics. 

If  we  may  venture  an  opinion  thus  early,  we  believe 
that  when  historians  pass  their  final  judgment  upon 


118  WOODROW  WILSON 

Woodrow  Wilson  they  will  say :  Here  was  a  man  whose 
invigorating  statesmanship  took  such  a  hold  of  the  gen 
eration  in  which  he  lived  that  that  generation  was  re 
vivified;  liberty  asseverated;  representative  government 
restored;  men  made  free;  and  public  officials  reinspired 
with  a  new  consciousness  of  responsibility. 

Mr.  Wilson  bears  the  distinction  of  being  the  first 
governor  to  insist  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  State 
executive  to  keep  the  constituents  of  State  legislators 
informed  as  to  the  official  conduct  of  their  representa 
tives.  His  action  is  entirely  consistent,  for  he  told  the 
people,  over  and  over  again,  when  he  was  a  candidate 
for  office,  that  he  would,  if  elected,  return  to  them  with 
a  full  account  of  his  stewardship;  and  that  at  the  same 
time  he  would  report  to  them  concerning  the  records  of 
the  members  of  the  Legislature. 

"  A  schoolmaster  for  governor  "  was  a  jest  in  his  cam 
paign.  Dr.  Wilson  took  this  good-naturedly,  and  said, 
"  Yes,  and  a  schoolmaster  is  one  who  is  trained  to  find 
out  all  that  he  can  and  then  tell  it  as  plainly  as  he  can," 
and  ever  since  his  election  to  office,  he  has  been  "  finding 
out  things  "  and  "  telling  things." 

"  This  is  not  a  campaign  meeting.  It  is  a  conference 
of  fellow-citizens,"  the  Governor  said,  when  he  came  back 
to  the  people  to  fulfil  his  promises  to  instruct  them 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  HADE  OVER       119 

concerning  what  happened  at  Trenton  last  winter.  In 
these  conferences  he  aimed  "  to  reconnect  our  system  of 
government  where  necessary  with  the  real  movement  of 
public  opinion." 

What  we  needed  for  a  long  time  in  New  Jersey  was 
an  executive  who  would  wake  us  up  with  an  alarm-clock ; 
not  the  kind  that  makes  a  little  noise  like  a  toy  whistle 
and  lets  you  go  back  to  sleep  again,  but  one  that  sounds 
like  a  fire  alarm.  Before  Woodrow  Wilson  arrived  on 
the  scene  our  governors  had  been  of  the  cuckoo-clock 
type:  soothing  to  the  nerves,  and  not  at  all  inclined  to 
disturb  our  slumbers. 

Of  course  in  a  State  where  for  so  long  we  had  used 
only  tallow  candles  with  which  to  inspect  public  affairs, 
naturally  when  incandescent  lights  were  turned  on  some 
people  objected  and  exclaimed :  "  What  manner  of  man 
is  this  who  comes  to  us  with  new  customs  and  devices, 
of  which  we  know  not?  WThat  is  to  become  of  represen 
tative  government  if  we  take  such  strides  towards 
democracy  ?  " 

The  Governor  answered: 

"  We  are  told  now  that  all  of  the  new  programmes  are 
assaults  upon  representative  government,  and  we  have 
heard  recently  some  very  eloquent  tributes  to  represen 
tative  government.  I  am  entirely  willing  to  join  in 


120  WOODROW  WILSON 

those  tributes,  provided  we  can  get  it,  but  recently  we 
have  not  had  it,  and  therefore  I  am  just  about  as  much 
interested  in  eulogies  on  representative  government  in 
the  United  States,  as  I  would  be  in  eulogies  on  the 
enjoyable  life  in  the  planet  of  Mars. 

"  It  is  very  beautiful  in  theory,  but  does  it  work?  Are 
the  interests  that  you  have  been  living  under  in  New 
Jersey,  the  institutions  that  you  had  prior  to  last  winter, 
were  they  representative  of  you?  Did  you  get  the  things 
that  you  voted  for?  Were  the  promises  of  the  platforms 
fulfilled  for  you?  You  know  what  happened." 

From  this  it  will  be  seen  that  Governor  Wilson  is  deeply 
aroused  by  the  failure  of  representative  government  to 
represent.  Some  have  said  that  perhaps  he  assumes  too 
much  responsibility  in  his  desire  to  make  over  represen 
tative  institutions. 

But  evidently  the  creators  of  our  constitutions  in 
tended  that  the  executive  should  make  it  his  business 
to  discover  the  needs  of  the  people,  minister  to  them, 
and  assume  the  chief  burden  of  responsibility.  Those 
who  look  upon  executive  interference  as  an  unauthorized 
departure  from  established  precedents,  have  apparently 
misread  both  the  State  arid  the  Federal  constitutions.  Is 
it  not  possible  that  we  are  learning  to  make  better  use 
of  the  privileges  already  conferred  by  the  Constitution, 
and  that  according  to  the  most  natural  laws  of  progress 
we  are  becoming  more  constitutional  instead  of  less  so, 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       121 

as  some  alarmists  fear?  Certainly  the  object  of  those 
who  constructed  our  constitutions  was  to  give  us  free 
government,  and  it  was  left  to  the  generations  after  to 
develop  the  best  processes  of  applying  the  principles  of 
the  Constitution  so  as  to  insure  the  highest  degree  of 
freedom  consistent  with  the  interests  of  each  decade. 

We  may  prudently  take  pattern  in  some  things  from 
a  nation  which  existed  long  before  us,  and  which  was 
our  first  teacher.  At  the  Governors'  Conference  at  Spring 
Lake,  New  Jersey,  Governor  Wilson  in  referring  to  the 
leadership  of  executives,  said : 

"  One  of  the  most  interesting  governments  in  the  world 
and  a  government  that  is  the  most  free  government,  except 
our  own,  is  based  upon  this  very  principle.  The  exec 
utive  of  Great  Britain  undertakes  to  formulate  prac 
tically  all  of  the  legislation  of  the  Kingdom.  When  the 
Legislature  refuses  to  follow  it,  Parliament  is  dissolved, 
the  executive  goes  to  the  people  and  says,  '  Will  you 
send  us  men  who  will  follow  us,  or  will  you  not?'  The 
consequence  is  that  Great  Britain  is  the  strongest  gov 
ernment  in  the  world.  Not  only  that;  it  is  the  most 
direct  democracy  in  the  world." 

This  suggests  the  advantage  of  giving  to  our  executives 
the  support  which  they  need.  And  if  we  are  to  trust 
them  to  exercise  a  broader  influence,  we  shall  have  to 
take  on  more  responsibility  ourselves,  and  seek  dili 
gently  for  able  men. 


122  WOODROW  WILSON 

"  Certainly  it  is  a  fearful  business,  that  of  having  your 
able  man  to  seek  and  not  knowing  in  what  manner  to 
proceed  about  it.  That  is  the  world's  sad  predicament," 
exclaimed  Carlyle. 

But  as  our  familiarity  with  public  affairs  increases, 
we  shall  not  find  it  so  difficult  to  discover  our  able  men. 
We  shall  learn  to  think  in  the  terms  of  our  wisest  leaders, 
even  though  we  cannot  keep  step  with  them. 

But  in  our  desire  to  be  loyal  to  our  executives  we  must 
not  lose  sight  of  our  obligations  to  our  legislators.  Gov 
ernor  Wilson  has  pointed  out  the  dangers  of  placing  our 
lawmakers  under  temptation. 

"  You  know,  very  much  to  our  discredit,  that  we  pay 
members  of  the  Legislature  in  New  Jersey  only  |500  a 
year.  No  man  for  $500  a  year,  without  some  indepen 
dent  means*,  can  afford  to  represent  you.  And  to  pay 
them  but  $500  a  year  is  to  put  them  under  direct  tempta 
tion.  I  don't  mean  temptation  to  take  money,  but  a 
temptation  to  be  acquiescent  on  the  side  where  business 
interests  are  involved.  Now  some  members  of  the  Legis 
lature  are  employees  of  large  business  concerns.  These 
business  concerns  put  the  screws  on  those  men  whenever 
there  is  any  danger  of  any  pending  legislation  being 
against  their  interests. 

"I  remember  a  member  of  the  New  Jersey  Legislature 
who  was  honest  and  who  desired  to  do  the  right  thing. 
He  had  a  small  business.  The  long  session  of  the  Legis 
lature  drew  so  heavily  upon  his  business  that  it  Ian- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       123 

guished  and  when  the  session  neared  its  end  he  was  near 
bankruptcy.  This  man  had  notes  in  the  bank  and  we 
found  that  certain  interests  were  forcing  payment  and 
would  not  let  up  unless  he  voted  for  a  certain  man 
for  United  States  Senator.  Had  it  not  been  for  the 
'  indiscreet '  acts  of  men  like  myself,  that  man  would 
have  become  a  bankrupt  or  have  voted  for  the  big 
interests.  Happily  we  made  it  public  and  he  was  cared 
for. 

"  The  representatives  of  big  business  had  said  to  this 
man,  '  Don't  you  see  that  our  direct  interest  is  in  the 
present  schedules  of  the  tariff?  Don't  you  see  that  it  is 
imperative  that  we  should  have  the  right  man  to  represec  t 
us  in  the  United  States  Senate,  to  see  that  the  tariff 
is  not  too  freely  tampered  with?  Do  you  expect  us  to 
retain  you  in  our  service  or  to  pay  you  the  same  salary 
if  you  act  contrary  to  our  interests,  as  if  you  act  in 
accordance  with  our  interests?'" 

Of  course  bribery  is  the  crudest  form  of  political 
knavery.  It  is  not  the  weapon  most  commonly  used  to 
insure  the  servility  of  legislators.  Kefusal  of  credit, 
efforts  to  ruin  a  man's  business,  through  rumors  both 
slanderous  and  libellous,  and  threats  to  check  the  careers 
of  young  men  in  politics,  are  the  chief  means  by  which 
political  bosses  seek  to  coerce  free  men. 

In  spite  of  the  pressure  which  big  business  brings  to 
bear  on  politics,  the  situation  does  not  admit  of  a  general 
indictment  of  even  the  majority  of  public  officials  in  the 
past.  And  it  certainly  is  only  just  to  say  that  a  large 


124  WOODROW  WILSON 

number  of  the  present  incumbents  of  office  measure  up 
to  their  responsibilities.  Some  are  in  the  process  of  awak 
ening.  A  few  are  still  numbered  among  those  who 
'*  stand  pat,"  because  they  honestly  believe  it  is  best  for 
all,  and  still  fewer  are  knowingly  following  the  constel 
lation  of  selfish  interests,  that  they  may  gain  a  cluster  of 
stars  with  which  to  adorn  their  crowns  in  this  world, 
since  they  are  quite  confident  that  they  will  have  to  do 
without  either  stars  or  crowns  in  the  next. 

It  seems  to  be  a  natural  law  that  the  people  can 
rise  no  higher  than  the  fountain  source  of  a  body 
politic  will  permit.  Fortunately  in  republics  we  can 
alter  both  the  fountain  source  and  the  main  current  in 
political  life.  The  difficulty  lies  in  that  it  is  not  always 
possible  to  choose  the  right  fountain  source,  or  to  place 
in  power  the  main  current  which  will  carry  out  the 
people's  will. 

Some  main  currents  consume  so  much  of  the  energies 
and  substance  of  their  branches  that  there  is  a  flood, 
characterized  in  practical  politics  as  an  overflow  of  com 
mercial  prosperity,  but  which  upon  examination  proves 
to  be  only  a  superfluous  concentration  of  power  and  privi 
lege,  to  which  the  masses  have  contributed  their  best 
energies,  to  be  consumed  by  a  few  who  flatter  themselves 
that  they  have  created  marvellous  opportunities  for  the 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       125 

many;  and  that  the  latter  should  be  honored  by  the 
privilege  of  serving  their  bountiful  benefactors.  Still 
other  main  currents  take  from  their  tributaries  a  legiti 
mate  force  with  which  to  propel  their  motions,  but  they 
give  back  to  their  feeders,  through  other  channels,  any 
surplus  nutriment  instead  of  consuming  it  in  needless 
surfeit  and  waste.  But  no  political  current  can  dis 
charge  its  functions  with  efficiency,  unless  the  fountain 
source  stimulates  it  with  force  and  energy. 

And  in  New  Jersey  we  needed  all  the  stimulation  that 
we  have  yet  received,  and  "  For  that  which  we  are  about 
to  receive  make  us  truly  thankful."  We  have  not  by 
any  means  reached  a  political  millennium  in  this  State, 
but  there  are  hopes  that  we  shall,  at  least,  reach  salva 
tion.  We  have  cleaned  up  some  of  the  underbrush  and 
removed  part  of  the  quagmire  underlying  our  political 
life.  The  writer  heard  an  old-time  standpatter  ex 
aggerate  the  situation  by  saying :  "  What  does  this  re 
form  mean?  We  cannot  even  hand  one  of  our  friends  a 
match  with  which  to  light  his  cigar  at  election  time 
without  danger  of  being  arrested  for  bribery." 

The  reader  may  by  this  time  have  a  suspicion  that  this 
chapter  is  a  sequel  to  a  few  discoveries  that  were  made 
by  the  author  while  collecting  material  for  this  story,  and 
that  the  reader  may  not  suspect  me  of  leaving  more  in 


126  WOODROW  WILSON 

the  ink-pot  than  I  have  told  about  New  Jersey  politics 
and  politicians,  here  are  some  facts  which  helped  to 
elucidate  my  remarks  on  elevating  the  tone  of  public 
office. 

An  ex-Governor  told  me  of  a  State  official,  high  in 
rank,  who  on  the  day  before  his  retirement  from  office 
supplied  himself  with  fifty  dollars'  worth  of  postage 
stamps,  charged  to  the  State.  When  his  successor 
arrived  there  was  not  a  postage  stamp  to  be  found,  which 
is  only  an  illustration  that  proves  that  all  petty  thieves 
are  not  arraigned  in  Police  Court. 

At  another  time,  some  years  ago,  when  capital  of 
sixty  thousand  dollars  had  been  provided  for  suppress 
ing  a  piece  of  legislation  in  the  people's  interest,  it 
happened  that  the  corporations  which  furnished  the 
money  were  afraid  to  trust  the  legislators,  and  that 
in  turn  the  members  of  the  Legislature  were  afraid  to 
trust  the  corporations.  It  was  the  old  story  of  "  the 
pot  calling  the  kettle  black,"  but  finally  a  lobbyist  was 
found  in  whom  both  sides  had  confidence.  Accordingly 
he  held  the  stakes.  "  But  the  best-laid  plans  of  mice 
and  men/'  you  know,  and  this  time  the  Fates  intercepted 
men's  plans  most  unkindly.  The  lobbyist  dropped  dead; 
the  sixty  thousand  dollars  became  a  part  of  his  estate; 
and  his  widow  now  enjoys  the  income  from  it. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       127 

Such  disclosures  help  us  to  realize  that  frequently  the 
wires  have  been  cut  between  the  people  and  their  officials. 
Some  legitimate  wire-tapping  can  be  done  to  advantage; 
and  a  few  underground  cables  will  help  to  establish 
direct  communication  between  the  American  people  and 
their  representatives. 

But,  in  the  end,  the  statesman,  not  the  muck-raker, 
lifts  us  out  of  the  rut.  The  latter  gives  his  mite;  the 
former  touches  the  body  politic  at  every  point.  The 
statesman  of  the  day  furnishes  steam  and  a  derrick  so 
strong  that  it  will  raise  dead  weights.  He  has  arrived.1 

1  Probably  the  Short-Ballot  will  prove  to  be  one  of  the  most 
effective  agencies  for  increasing  the  efficiency  of  public  officers. 
This  form  of  ballot  can  only  be  secured  through  granting  to 
Executives  the  authority  to  appoint  more  officers ;  and  by  making 
more  appointive  offices  subject  to  the  Civil  Service. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE   REACTION   ON   THE   BODY   POLITIC 

"  Fools  stare  and  wise  men  see." — EDWIN  BJORKMAN. 

"  Who  can  touch  politics  and  keep  his  hands  clean?  Woodrow 
Wilson."— RABBI  WISE. 

SCENES  of  rousing  cheers!  Crowded  halls!  Argus- 
eyed  audiences!  Hopeful  faces!  Banks  of  palms  and 
flowers!  Groups  of  newspaper  correspondents!  And  in 
the  centre  of  a  platform  on  which  are  seated  many  think 
ing  men,  stands  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey.  Thou 
sands  of  listeners  are  eager  for  his  message.  Where? 
In  Oregon.  In  Washington.  In  Colorado.  In  Cali 
fornia.  In  Kentucky.  In  New  Mexico.  In  Texas.  In 
Wisconsin.  In  Michigan.  In  Pennsylvania.  In  Mary 
land.  In  Virginia.  In  New  York.  In  New  England. 
In  every  place  which  he  has  visited. 

The  Nation  has  spoken  to  New  Jersey  where  the  Demo 
cratic  party  is  rent  asunder  by  the  wrath  and  fury  of 
a  boss  whose  power  has  been  crushed  by  a  fearless  gov 
ernor.  The  voice  of  the  people  has  said:  Truly  a  good 

128 


NEW  JERSEY  HADE  OVER  129 

thing  has  come  out  of  the  land  of  mosquitoes  and  Naza- 
renes!  The  Nation  is  big  enough  to  welcome  a  master 
statesman  no  matter  where  he  may  hail  from. 

It  is  becoming  more  evident  every  day  that  the  political 
machines  do  not  want  Woodrow  Wilson  for  President, 
but  the  independent  voters  do.  Why  did  the  New  Jersey 
Assembly  swing  back?  Because  there  was  a  fusion  of 
the  bi-partisan  ("buy-partisan")  machine  forces  of  the 
State,  which  seek  to  check  the  political  fortunes  of 
Governor  Wilson,  and  because  the  political  machines  are 
on  the  job  doing  business  at  the  old  stand  every  day  in 
the  year,  and  the  people  are  not.  Then  there  are  still 
those  among  us  who  sing,  "  As  it  was  in  the  beginning, 
is  now,  and  ever  shall  be,"  but  there  are  also  those  who 
sing,  "  As  it  was  in  the  beginning,  and  is  now,  but, 
*  by  gum/  it  has  got  to  stop."  And  the  Governor  of 
New  Jersey  sings  the  latter  song  with  as  much  zest  now 
as  he  did  before  our  last  State  election. 

Every  one  must  have  known  what  would  happen. 
There  was  Essex,  normally  a  Kepublican  stronghold  and 
the  home  "  of  that  profane  herd  of  those  vulgar  and 
mechanical  politicians  who  have  no  place  among  us  " ; 
those  lonely  and  isolated  gentlemen  who  before  Woodrow 
Wilson's  time  were  known  as  the  sunniest  of  Sunny 
Jims;  whose  smiles  cast  such  a  radiance  over  the  com- 


130  WOODROW  WILSON 

munity  that  for  many  years  we  dispensed  with  all  other 
light.  Humiliated  by  their  disappointment  in  not  being 
able  to  control  Governor  Wilson  and  the  last  Legislature, 
only  one  course  of  action  was  open  to  them.  Revenge, 
sweet,  delicious  revenge!  Revenge  at  any  price!  Split 
the  Democratic  party !  Mark  Wilson  and  his  colleagues 
for  slaughter !  were  the  orders  which  were  repeated  from 
lip  to  lip  in  the  camps  of  the  bosses.  And  it  worked. 
A  trade  was  made.  The  influence  wielded  by  the  Smith- 
Nugent  gang  lent  itself  to  the  Republican  machine.  The 
Democratic  Essex  organization  worked  for  the  election 
of  Republican  members  to  the  Legislature  in  exchange 
for  Republican  votes  for  a  machine  Democrat  for  the  high 
and  mighty  office  of  sheriff.  Twelve  Republican  assem 
blymen  and  a  Republican  senator  from  Essex  were 
elected.  This  was  the  pivotal  county  of  the  State,  and 
if  it  had  gone  Democratic,  the  Legislature  would  have 
been  saved  for  Democracy.  It  was  the  only  county  in 
the  State  where  the  Governor  did  not  speak  during  the 
campaign.  Why?  Because  the  Democrats  presented  a 
machine  ticket,  including  nominees  who  had  broken  faith 
with  the  people  during  the  1911  session  of  the  Legisla 
ture.  There  was  only  one  Essex  Democrat  named  whom 
the  Governor  could  conscientiously  support.  This  was 
Senator  Harry  V.  Osborne,  who  had  a  record  for  pro- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       131 

gressive  legislation  "  clear  as  crystal."  Governor  Wilson 
issued  a  public  letter  in  Mr.  Osborne's  behalf,  but  the 
machines  combined  and  knifed  him  in  the  organization 
districts.  In  spite  of  this  he  ran  way  ahead  of  his  ticket. 

In  delivering  the  Legislature  to  the  Republicans  the 
Smith-Nugent  machine  now  has,  ostensibly,  no  represen 
tative  in  that  body.  Plad  Governor  Wilson  been  willing 
to  sacrifice  principles  for  party  solidarity  he  might  have 
secured  a  Democratic  Legislature. 

But,  you  say,  would  it  not  have  been  possible  for  the 
Democrats  of  New  Jersey  to  have  carried  the  Legislature 
without  Essex?  Hardly.  The  State  under  normal  con 
ditions  has  been  Republican.  Both  party  machines  are 
anii  Wilson  and  they  did  their  fighting  in  the  dark,  while 
the  Governor  fought  in  the  open.  The  Smith  machine 
maintains  an  organization  in  every  county  in  the  State. 
Every  candidate  who  supported  Governor  Wilson,  or  who 
was  backed  by  the  Governor's  friends,  was  bitterly  op 
posed  by  Smith's  machine.  The  progressive  elements 
of  the  two  chief  parties  have  not  yet  come  together  in 
the  open  and  galvanized  their  resources  into  life.  A 
well-organized  minority  easily  overcomes  a  scattered 
majority,  and  it  generally  follows  everywhere  that  a 
period  of  radical  legislation  results  in  the  temporary  re 
turn  of  the  former  minority  party  to  power.  As  it  is,  the 


132  WOODROW  WILSON 

New  Jersey  Assembly  now  has  thirty-seven  Republicans 
and  twenty-three  Democrats,  while  the  Senate  stands 
eleven  Republicans  and  ten  Democrats.  Outside  Essex  the 
Democrats  gained  one  senator  and  a  few  assemblymen. 
There  was  no  candidate  for  a  State  office  running  this 
year.  Popular  sentiment  is  easily  determined  by  com 
piling  the  votes  cast  for  the  candidates  for  the  Assembly, 
who  run  in  each  county  every  year.  The  final  returns 
on  file  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State  show  that 
New  Jersey  went  Democratic  in  1911  by  a  plurality  of 
3100. 

Governor  Wilson's  enemies  began  to  plan  a  political 
post-mortem  for  him  as  soon  as  the  returns  of  the  last 
election  came  in,  but  indications  are  that  he  will  prove 
himself  the  liveliest  corpse  which  the  political  machines 
will  encounter.  The  men  who  have  been  faking  under 
cover  of  the  Democratic  party  for  years  ought  not  to 
be  able  in  the  last  analysis  to  handicap  a  man  who  leaves 
it  entirely  to  the  people  to  decide  whether  he  is  to  be 
their  choice  for  the  highest  office  which  the  nation  can 
bestow.  If  Wilson  wins  it  will  be  because  the  people 
want  him  and  because  the  machines  do  not. 

Governor  Wilson  has  injected  new  life  into  the  dry 
bones  of  politics.  The  machines  cannot  undo  the  work 
already  accomplished  by  him,  nor  deprive  him  of  the 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       133 

glory  of  his  past  achievements.  He  stands  on  the  hori 
zon  of  political  life  "  like  Mars  at  perihelion." 

Whether  the  Legislature  is  Republican  or  Democratic 
the  question  always  before  him  is,  "  How  are  we  to  re 
sume  popular  government?" 

Because  Woodrow  Wilson  is  Governor  of  New  Jersey 
the  pledges  made  in  both  party  platforms  this  year  were 
distinctly  progressive,  and  there  is  an  executive  in  Tren 
ton  who  has  a  back-bone  instead  of  a  wish-bone, — a  back 
bone  like  a  circus-pole,  and  who  will  insist  that  promises 
to  the  people  must  be  kept.  The  partisan  complexion 
of  the  Legislature  is  of  far  less  importance  to  him  than 
its  being  composed  of  men  who  are  willing  to  co-operate 
with  him  in  securing  "  reforms  planned  in  the  interest 
of  the  whole  State,"  which,  to  use  his  own  phrase,  "  We 
are  all  sworn  to  serve."  The  members  of  the  Legisla 
ture  of  New  Jersey,  in  future,  will  be  obligated  more 
than  ever  before  to  carry  out  their  platform  pledges, 
because  every  member  of  the  majority  party  in  the 
Legislature  is  a  member  of  the  State  convention  of  his 
party  when  the  platform  is  adopted.  He  takes  part  in 
the  discussions  and  deliberations  of  the  convention  and 
helps  to  form  its  decisions  on  every  feature  it  contains. 
Thus  an  unheard  of  precedent  is  established. 

Volumes  might  be  written   on  the  invigorating  local 


134  WOODROW  WILSON 

reaction  of  Governor  Wilson's  political  influence.  It  was 
said  that  "  Alexander  Hamilton  touched  the  corpse  of 
public  credit  and  it  sprang  upon  its  feet."  Woodrow 
Wilson  touched  the  ghost  of  representative  government, 
and  it  promises  to  materialize  as  a  living  force  destined 
to  insure  the  permanency  of  our  Republic. 

Let  us  not  be  unmindful  of  the  warnings  of  a  states 
man  who  is  disturbed  by  the  dangers  and  pitfalls  incident 
to  an  era,  when,  in  numerous  instances,  representative 
government  has  failed  to  represent.  We  are  still  a  young 
nation,  and  it  behooves  us  to  remember  history.  Repub 
lics  and  democracies  have  flourished,  then  declined, 
become  oligarchies,  and  perished  from  the  earth. 

We  quote  editorially  from  the  Newark  Evening  News: 

"  Give  it  time  and  with  political  machinery  as  it  now 
is  the  oligarchy  knows  that  it  will  be  able  to  pervert 
our  utility  commissions,  our  tariff  boards,  and  all  other 
machinery  of  government  to  its  will,  precisely  as  it  per 
verted  the  devices  of  government  our  forefathers  pro 
vided.  It  hopes  to  fasten  itself  firmly  in  the  dictatorship 
of  financial  bonds,  by  the  interlocking  system  of  credit. 
It  can  see  far  enough  to  its  desire,  the  time  when  its 
will  will  be  unchallenged  in  America. 

" '  After  us  the  deluge/  they  think,  if  they  think  of 
these  things  at  all.  They  only  know  that  representative 
government  means  the  end  of  their  selfish  rule  of  to-day. 
Because  Woodrow  Wilson  is  the  foremost  champion  of 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       135 

representative  government  he  must  be  downed  at  all 
costs.  That  done  the  future  can  take  care  of  itself. 

"  The  '  interest '  publications  can  be  as  malicious  as 
they  please.  Their  press  associations  leave  out  con 
venient  words  or  paragraphs,  and  circulate  misrepresen 
tations  as  they  will,  but  the  truth  is  seething  underneath 
them. 

"  The  issue  is  representative  government  or  eventually 
something  really  radical.  The  blind  see  only  that  Wilson 
is  the  champion  of  political  freedom,  like  enlightened 
nations  such  as  Canada  and  England  enjoy.  For  that 
he  is  to  be  defeated  at  all  costs. 

"  Beyond  to-day  they  do  not  see  to-morrow !  " 

But  there  are  those  who  do  see  and  who  will  lead 
others  to  see.  James  T.  Lloyd,  chairman  of  the  Demo 
cratic  Congressional  Committee,  has  given  out  this 
statement : 

"  When  the  people  of  the  United  States  learn  that  the 
New  Jersey  Legislature  is  Republican  because  of  James 
Smith,  Jr.,  who  was  defeated  for  election  to  the  United 
States  Senate  by  the  Legislature  last  winter,  I  doubt- 
that  it  will  result  in  injury  to  Governor  Wilson.  Many 
people  believe  that  ex-Senator  Smith  represents  every 
thing  that  is  bad  in  politics,  and  if  so,  his  delivery  of 
New  Jersey  to  the  Republicans  would  tend  to  strengthen 
Governor  Wilson  with  the  people  rather  than  to  weaken 
him." 

The  New  York  Evening  Post  says :  "  It  would  certainly 
be  a  queer  reason  for  opposing  Wilson  as  a  candidate 


136  WOODROW  WILSON 

for  the  Presidency  to  allege  that  he  had  suffered  locally 
from  the  vengeance  of  a  boss  whose  power  he  had  defied 
and  broken." 

And  just  take  notice  that  Woodrow  Wilson  has  never 
been  jumped  off  the  checker-board  as  he  was  about  to 
enter  the  king-row.  The  psychological  moment  meets  him 
more  than  half-way,  and  when  Opportunity  knocks  at  his 
door  he  is  up  and  dressed. 


CHAPTER  IX 


THE   TIME,  THE   PLACE,   AND  THE    MAN 

The  present  time  presents  the  grave  problem  of  distributing 
the  fruits  of  labor  and  capital,  so  as  to  insure  the  greatest 
good  to  the  greatest  number,  without  impairing  the  structure 
of  a  government  based  on  freedom,  established,  vouched  for,  and 
guaranteed  by  our  Constitution.  A  work  of  regeneration  must 
be  accomplished  without  destroying  existing  institutions.  How 
shall  it  be  done?  How  can  it  be  done?  Through  the  ballot- 
box.  Yes,  but  there  is  a  power  above  the  ballot-box;  a  power 
wilded  by  the  statesman  who  is  not  self-centered,  who  is  not 
clambering  by  means  of  every  effort  to  reach  some  high  place, 
but,  who,  forgetful  of  himself,  has  been  content  to  devote  his 
energies  to  elevating  the  standards  of  American  citizenship, 
first,  as  a  teacher,  who  must  take  rank  as  one  of  the  foremost 
educators  of  the  present  century;  second,  as  a  writer,  whose 
contributions  to  literature  and  history  are  sure  to  be  an  im 
perishable  legacy  bequeathed  to  future  generations;  third,  as 
Governor  of  a  State  which,  for  years,  has  been  waiting  for 
an  executive  who  could  and  would  deliver  it  from  political 
oligarchy. 

Woodrow  Wilson's  message  is  "  Reform  abuses,  and  teach  the 
people  to  release  their  energies  intelligently,  that  peace,  justice, 
and  prosperity  may  reign."  Shall  we  heed  the  voice  which 
has  brought  an  invigorating  tonic  into  our  political  life,  or 
shall  we  decline  to  listen?  Men  say  that  we  must  meet  present 
day  issues;  that  we  must  restore  competition,  or  else  face  State 
Socialism;  that  we  must,  in  some  way,  bridge  over  the  chasm 
which  exists  between  special  privilege  and  the  people.  Can  it 
be  done?  We  are  hopeful. 

If  Providence  could  spare  a  Washington  until  representative 
government  became  established;  if  Providence  could  spare  a  Jef 
ferson  until  Democracy  became  a  living  issue;  if  Providence 
could  spare  a  Lincoln  until  the  preservation  of  the  Union  was 
assured;  then  Heaven,  we  hope,  can  spare  another  man  until 

137 


138  WOODROW  WILSON 

the  gates  of  Opportunity  open  wide,  and  the  Goddess  of  Liberty, 
standing  at  the  entrance,  exclaims:  Peace  be  with  you. — The 
AUTHOR. 

Some  one  has  said :  "  The  stock-argument  of  the  Republican 
party  is  still  that  it  freed  the  slaves,  about  forty-five  years 
ago.  It  did;  but  how  many  slaves  has  it  ever  freed  since?  " 

When  I  mentioned  to  the  Governor  that  I  proposed  to  tell 
the  story  of  "  New  Jersey  Made  Over,"  and  that  I  intended  to 
label  one  chapter  "  The  Time,  the  Place,  and  the  Man,"  he 
protested. 

"  Won't  you  call  it,  «  The  Time,  the  Place,  and  the  Men/  in 
order  to  give  the  splendid  men  in  the  Legislature,  who  stood 
by  me,  credit?  To  be  just?  And  to  encourage?  I  believe  you 
should  do  this." 

But  the  altruistic  Governor,  who  is  inclined  to  give  too  much 
credit  to  the  Legislature,  did  not  understand  that  I  intended  to 
develop  my  story  in  relationship  to  the  Nation. 

"  Our  time  is  one  that  calls  for  earnest  deeds; 

Reason  and  Government,  like  two  broad  seas, 
Yearn  for  each  other  with  outstretched  arms, 
And  roll  their  white  surf  higher  every  day. 

The  time  is  ripe  and  rotten  ripe  for  change." 

LOWEL. 

WHAT  proves  that  the  time  is  ripe?  A  general  dis 
satisfaction  which  indicates  a  progressive  and  construc 
tive  sentiment;  that  which  seeks  to  build,  rather  than 
to  destroy.  The  presence  of  this  sentiment  is  a  healthy 
indication.  The  discontent  is  of  a  wholesome  nature. 

There  are  still  many  reasons  why  we  should  remain 
optimists  at  this  period  of  the  twentieth  century.  We 
have  had  more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty  years  of 
what  seems  successful  national  existence;  we  have  a 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       139 

universal  system  of  popular  education,  and,  without 
doubt,  our  inherited  reverence  for  free  institutions  has 
inoculated  us  with  strong  progressive  tendencies. 

But  we  must  not  magnify  the  excellencies  of  our  gov 
ernment  and  overlook  its  defects.  There  are  still  grave 
problems  remaining  unsolved.  We  have  not  yet  found 
out  just  how  to  strike  the  right  balance  between  free 
trade  and  protection;  or  how  to  establish  a  financial 
system  on  a  sound  basis.  Then  there  are  the  questions 
of  the  development  of  the  army  and  navy,  so  as  to  afford 
us  the  right  protection  without  consuming  too  much  of 
the  nation's  resources;  the  race  problem  with  its  arising 
complications;  the  conservation  policy  best  for  the  pre 
servation  of  our  interests;  the  education  of  the  average 
person  so  that  he  or  she  will  not  be  compelled  to  spend 
so  much  time  in  the  struggle  for  existence;  the  matter 
of  securing  greater  uniformity  and  co-operation  among 
the  States  in  regard  to  legislation  covering  the  divorce 
problem;  taxation,  employer's  liability,  the  control  of 
public  utilities,  and  the  regulation  of  elections.  There 
are,  too,  the  problems  arising  under  inefficient  municipal 
governments,  which  promise  to  be  reformed  through  gov 
ernment  by  commission;  and  there  are  reasons  for  be 
lieving  that  eventually  we  shall  be  entirely  rid  of  a 
spoils  theory  of  government,  through  the  advantages 


140  WOODROW  WILSON 

of  the  civil  service.  We  have  also  to  contend  with  the 
evil  of  executive  use  of  Federal  patronage  for  political 
purposes,  which  has  already  created  a  bulwark  of  such 
proportions  that  we  shall  find  it  a  difficult  matter  to 
withstand  its  influence  when  it  is  necessary  to  make  a 
political  change.  These  are  among  the  gravest  problems 
which  the  present  time  presents. 

We  are  face  to  face  with  new  economic  conditions, 
which  have  come  upon  us  with  the  force  of  an  avalanche. 
They  present  issues  which  require  our  sober  considera 
tion.  They  touch  vitally  our  very  lives. 

Probably  the  economic  question  which  concerns  the 
majority  of  us  most  is  that  of  the  increase  in  the  cost 
of  living,  which  every  one  recognizes  is  out  of  all  pro 
portion,  when  compared  with  the  corresponding  increase 
in  wages,  salaries,  or  average  incomes.  Statistics  are 
flexible  things;  so  we  shall  not  attempt  to  state  what 
the  percentage  of  difference  is.  Authorities  differ;  but 
the  main  facts  are  obvious.  The  purchasing  power  of  a 
dollar  declines,  amazingly,  every  year. 

We  are  conscious  of  injustice  underlying  a  system  of 
government  which  makes  present  conditions  possible. 
Something  is  wrong;  more  than  one  thing  is  wrong. 
We  must  seek  to  correct  the  evils  of  the  present  system 
through  a  change,  which  shall  be  based  upon  a  reform 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        141 

process,  neither  revolutionary  nor  strictly  conservative. 
This  process  must  necessarily  have  for  one  of  its  features 
the  revision  of  the  tariff.  The  term  tariff  is  synonymous 
with  taxation.  The  term  protective  tariff,  in  modern 
times,  is  synonymous  with  what  amounts  to  extortion. 

"  New  times  demand  new  measures  and  new  men ; 

The  world  advances;  and,  in  time,  outgrows 
The  laws  that  in  our  fathers'  days  were  best." 

The  greatest  test  of  the  progress  of  any  era  is  the 
attitude  of  the  people  toward  a  new  moral  or  political 
possibility.  And  new  possibilities  are  conceived,  pro 
jected,  and  brought  to  pass  by  great  men.  Therefore, 
the  reception  which  we  give  to  these  men  indicates  what 
manner  of  people  we  are. 

It  is  generally  admitted  that  in  the  United  States  few 
of  our  greatest  statesmen  have  been  Presidents.  We  have 
had  more  than  one  man  "  who  would  rather  be  right 
than  be  President."  Must  history  continue  to  repeat 
itself,  or  shall  we  prove  our  right  to  be  called  progressive 
by  selecting  in  future  the  right  man  for  the  right  place, 
the  man  whose  achievements  indicate  that  he  can  suggest 
methods  and  put  into  motion  reform  processes  which 
shall  eventually  help  toward  the  solution  of  many  of 
our  present  problems? 

And  in   choosing  a  leader,  it  is   an   unsafe  pie^e  of 


142  WOODROW  WILSON 

business  to  trust  any  man,  unless  we  can  first  determine 
where  his  sympathies  lie.  We  have  examined  the  record 
of  a  great  thinker  and  doer,  who  has  devoted  himself  to 
the  study  of  governmental  affairs.  Let  us  learn  more  of 
what  he  thinks. 

Governor  Wilson  maintains  that  the  big  question  of 
the  day  is  one  of  adjustment  between  economic  problems, 
public  opinion,  and  our  system  of  legislation. 

He  has  said : 

"  We  collect  enough  money  from  the  people.  The 
trouble  is  we  don't  collect  the  right  sums  from  the  right 
ones.  .  .  .  Everything  comes  down  to  this.  What  is  the 
matter  with  the  tariff?  That  is  a  long  story,  and  there 
is  a  great  deal  the  matter  with  it.  If  you  go  through  the 
tariff  schedule  you  will  find  some  nigger  in  every  wood 
pile;  some  little  word,  put  into  almost  every  clause  of 
the  act,  which,  is  lining  somebody's  pockets  with  money. 

"  You  know  what  the  policy  of  protection  has  been 
in  the  past.  There  are  some  things  that  may  be  said 
in  favor  of  the  protective  policy,  aud  historically  speak 
ing  the  protective  tariff  has  not  in  the  past  very  greatly 
increased  the  cost  of  living,  but  in  recent  years  and 
months  it  has  greatly  increased  the  cost  of  living.  Why? 
Because  it  has  been  a  protective  policy?  No,  not  espe 
cially  that,  but  because  the  wall  of  protection  has  been 
so  high  that  the  great  domestic  industries  have  been 
able  to  form  great  combinations  behind  them,  knowing 
that  anybody  with  whom  they  could  not  coine  to  an 
understanding  would  break  in  and  hurt  the  game;  and 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       143 

so  they  have  been  able  to  limit  the  product  and  increase 
the  price. 

"  Men  are  making  a  cover  of  the  tariff  and  a  cover  of 
the  corporations.  So  all  the  men  that  we  want  to  get 
out  of  control  are  covered  now.  We  have  got  to  organize 
a  great  hunt.  We  have  got  to  find  their  burrows  and 
smoke  them  out.  I  am  not  interested  in  the  burrow. 
I  am  interested  in  the  hunt  and  the  animal  that  is  in 
it. 

"  You  know  the  story  of  the  Irishman  who  while  dig 
ging  a  hole  was  asked,  '  Pat,  what  are  you  doing,  digging 
a  hole  ? '  and  he  replied,  '  No,  sir,  I  am  digging  the  earth 
and  leaving  the  hole.'  It  is  also  like  the  same  Irishman, 
who  was  digging  around  the  wall  of  a  house.  He  was 
asked,  '  Pat,  what  are  you  doing?'  and  he  answered, 
'  Faith,  I  am  letting  the  dark  out  of  the  cellar.'  Now 
that  is  exactly  what  we  want  to  do,  let  the  dark  out  of 
the  cellar. 

"  Now  look  at  what  the  Eepublican  party  has  done  in 
the  so-called  revision  of  the  tariff.  The  only  thing  it  has 
done  is  to  change  the  tariff;  and  that  is  the  only  way 
they  have  revised  the  tariff.  I  believe  it  is  the  fashion 
that  the  tariff  system,  of  to-day,  at  any  rate,  was  made  in 
Rhode  Island  and  there  is  a  certain  gentleman,  who  lives 
in  Illinois,  who  co-operated  in  standardizing  this  fashion. 
And  what  are  the  standards  of  these  gentlemen  in  Rhode 
Island  and  Illinois?  Do  you  know  that  the  Republican 
party  undertakes  to  guarantee  profits  to  the  industries  of 
this  country?  Do  you  know  what  this  means?  It  means 
that  the  poorest  factors  are  drawn  in  with  the  best;  that 
the  least  economically  managed  factories  are  united  with 
the  most  economically  managed,  and  that  a  level  is 
struck;  so  that  all  will  make  a  profit.  And  that  is 


144  WOODROW  WILSON 

another  premium  offered  in  this  country  on  the  system 
these  gentlemen  have  fashioned. 

"  We  are  not  attacking  men.  We  are  attacking  a  sys 
tem.  The  men  are  most  of  them  honest.  The  great 
majority  of  them  believe  that  in  serving  their  own  they 
are  serving  the  interests  of  the  people  at  large.  They 
stand  at  the  wrong  point  of  view.  They  are  like  athletes 
trained  in  a  game,  after  the  rules  of  the  game  have 
been  changed, — they  have  such  extraordinary  political 
gifts;  they  are  such  good  athletes,  that  the  deepest  pity 
of  it  is  that  you  cannot  make  them  forget  and  begin  all 
over  again,  and  play  the  game  according  to  the  new 
rules  of  the  people.  They  seek  their  objects,  not  by 
public  argument,  but  by  private  management.  Legisla 
tion  is  framed,  digested,  and  concluded  in  committee- 
rooms.  Of  course  the  chief  triumph  of  committee  work, 
of  covert  phrase  and  unexplained  classification,  is  the 
tariff  law. 

"  Ever  since  the  passage  of  the  outrageous  Payne- 
Aldrich  tariff  law,  our  people  have  been  discovering  the 
concealed  meanings  and  purposes  which  lay  hidden  in 
it.  They  are  discovering  item  by  item  how  deeply  and 
deliberately  they  were  deceived  and  cheated.  This  did 
not  happen  by  accident.  It  came  about  by  design;  by 
elaborate,  secret  design.  Questions  put  upon  the  floor 
in  the  House  and  Senate  were  not  frankly  or  truly  an 
swered,  and  an  elaborate  piece  of  legislation  was  foisted 
on  £he  country,  which  could  not  possibly  have  passed  if 
it  had  been  comprehended  by  the  whole  country." 

Governor  Wilson  says  of  "  Tariff  for  Revenue  Only  " : 
"  We  are  rich  enough,  we  are  safe  enough  in  our  pros- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        145 

perity,  we  are  sure  enough,  of  our  capacity,  of  our  skill, 
of  our  resourcefulness,  to  set  ourselves  free  at  last.  We 
are  ready  now  in  our  maturity  to  return  to  the  only 
uses  of  government  of  which  the  mature  can  approve. 
Taxation  must  never  be  used  for  the  benefit  of  some  at 
the  expense  of  others.  The  power  of  the  government 
must  never  be  loaned  to  those  who  cannot  sustain  them 
selves.  The  only  legitimate  object  of  taxation  is  revenue 
for  the  support  of  the  government. 

"  I  dare  say  that  we  can  never  have  free  trade  in  this 
country.  It  is  wise  and  necessary  that  we  should  leave 
direct  taxation,  for  the  most  part,  to  the  States  for 
the  maintenance  of  their  governments  and  enterprises. 
The  Federal  Government  will  probably  always  derive  the 
greater  part  of  its  needed  revenues  from  duties  on  im 
ports.  But  it  is  possible,  as  it  will  be  wise,  and  in  the 
long  run  imperative,  to  base  those  duties  upon  the  revenue 
needs  of  the  government  and  not  upon  a  theory  of 
protection. 

"  This  change  cannot  be  brought  about  suddenly.  We 
cannot  arbitrarily  turn  right  about  face  and  pull  one 
policy  up  by  the  roots  and  cast  it  aside,  while  we  plant 
another  in  virgin  soil.  A  great  industrial  system  has 
been  built  up  in  this  country  under  the  fosterage  of  the 
government,  behind  a  wall  of  unproductive  taxes.  The 
change  must  be  brought  about,  first  here,  then  there,  and 
then  there  again.  Circumstances  have  cleared  our  per 
ception  of  the  facts  with  regard  to  some  of  the  tariff 
schedules,  and  we  can  deal  with  them  with  a  relatively 
free  hand  without  any  fear  that  we  shall  create  damag 
ing  disturbances  in  the  business  of  the  country.  We  must 
move  from  step  to  step  with  as  much  prudence  as 
resolution. 


146  WOODROW  WILSON 

"  And  while  we  do  so  we  must  create  by  absolute  fair 
ness  and  open-mindedness  the  atmosphere  of  mutual  con 
cession.  There  are  no  old-scores  to  be  paid  off,  there 
are  no  resentments  to  be  satisfied,  there  is  no  revolution 
to  be  attempted;  men  of  every  interest  must  be  drawn 
into  the  conference  as  to  what  it  behooves  us  to  do,  and 
what  it  is  possible  for  us  to  do.  No  one  should  be  ex 
cluded  from  counsel,  except  those  who  will  not  come  in 
upon  terms  of  equality  and  the  common  interest.  We  deal 
with  great  and  delicate  matters.  We  should  deal  with 
them  with  pure  and  elevated  purpose,  without  fear,  with 
out  excitement,  without  undue  haste,  like  men  dealing 
with  the  sacred  fortunes  of  a  great  country,  and  not 
like  those  who  play  for  political  advantage  or  seek  to 
reverse  any  policy  in  their  own  behalf." 

Commenting  upon  the  protectionist  ground  of  the  Re 
publican  party,  Governor  Wilson  says: 

"  In  the  last  national  platform  of  the  Republican  party, 
the  country  is  promised  duties  which  will  equal  the 
difference  in  the  cost  of  production  between  this  country 
and  the  foreign  countries  with  which  our  manufacturers 
are  obliged  to  compete,  '  in  addition/  it  is  naively  added, 
'  to  a  reasonable  profit/  One  cannot  help  wondering  how 
anybody  who  knows  anything  of  the  real  circumstances 
of  industry  could  have  drawn  such  a  plank  with  a  straight 
face. 

"  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  whole  proposition 
is  ignorant  and  preposterous.  No  protectionist  of  the 
earlier  school  ever  allowed  his  mind  to  go  so  far  as  this 
in  its  extremest  vagary.  Taken  in  its  plain,  logical  sig- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       147 

nificance,  this  can  mean  nothing  else  than  absolutely 
universal  protection. 

"  If  this  country  is  to  be  the  snug  harbor  for  those 
who  are  at  a  disadvantage  in  the  markets  of  the  world, 
why  should  it  not  also,  by  the  convenient  method  of 
combination,  be  a  refuge  for  those  who  are  also  at  a 
disadvantage  in  the  markets  of  America  itself?  Are 
there  not  evidences  that  it  has  become  just  that?  Have 
not  the  great  combinations,  recently  effected  in  this 
country,  brought  about  just  such  a  result? 

"  Of  a  dozen  mills  or  factories  brought  together  in  a 
single  trust  or  combination,  there  is  always  a  very  con 
siderable  variety  in  the  cost  of  production.  In  some  the 
machinery  has  not  been  brought  up  to  date,  the  plant  is 
not  built  in  a  way  to  lend  itself  to  the  most  efficient 
methods  of  production ;  the  market  is  not  quite  so  access 
ible;  the  source  of  raw  materials  is  more  difficult  of 
access. 

"  Again  and  again  it  has  happened  that  after  the  com 
bination  was  effected,  the  less  efficient  factories  and 
mills  were  closed  down,  and  only  the  more  efficient  con 
tinued  in  operation;  but  the  business  as  newly  consti 
tuted  had  to  carry  the  cost  of  the  original  merger  of 
the  inefficient  mills  and  factories.  They  were  probably 
put  into  the  combination  at  a  figure  greatly  exceeding 
their  real  value.  This  figure  enters  into  the  issue  of  the 
securities  of  the  corporation;  the  profits  must  be  made 
upon  those  figures  if  the  stockholders  are  to  get  di 
vidends  ;  arid  so  the  country  must  carry  for  an  indefinite 
period  inefficient  establishments  which  have  been  actually 
closed  and  put  out  of  business." 

These  are  the  same  views  which  were  entertained  by 


148  WOOD  ROW  WILSON 

Dr.  Wilson  when  he  wrote,  in  October,  1909,  an  able 
article  for  the  North  American  Review,  called  "  The 
Tariff  Make-Believe."  A  standpatter  who  read  this  said 
to  me :  "  Don't  you  believe  that  if  Wilson  were  elected 
President  he  would  disturb  business?" 

Then  I  recalled  what  I  had  so  often  heard  the  Governor 
say  in  public  speeches: 

"  I  don't  know  of  any  one,  who  recommends  reform  in 
our  system,  who  wants  to  disturb  anything  honest.  We 
want  an  equilibrator;  we  want  something  to  counteract 
sudden,  too  radical  changes.  But  let  it  be  understood 
conservatism  is  not  inconsistent  with  change,  sometimes 
with  very  rapid  change.  I  will  not  admit  that  simply  to 
sit  tight  is  to  sit  safe.  Those  who  hold  back  must  re 
member  that  they  are  sitting  on  a  moving  machine.  I 
will  let  things  alone  if  you  will  hold  things  still,  but 
if  I  see  certain  patent  abuses,  it  seems  to  me  most 
unpatriotic  to- keep  hands  off. 

"  Is  it  going  to  disturb  business  to  get  back  on  a  con 
stitutional  and  honest  basis?  Are  you  willing  to  stand 
for  that  business  ?  Is  it  going  to  hurt  business  to  restore 
confidence?  What  is  the  basis  of  prosperity?  The  basis 
of  prosperity  is  co-operative;  the  basis  of  business  and 
prosperity  is  confidence;  the  basis  of  prosperity  is  a  new 
figure  and  spirit  in  the  social  body.  If  you  depress  the 
working  classes,  for  example,  make  them  hopeless  and 
resentful,  and  give  them  the  feeling  that  they  are  not 
getting  their  just  dues,  do  you  suppose  that  they  are 
going  to  be  the  producing  class  they  were ;  do  you  suppose 
that  the  wealth  is  going  to  be  produced  as  it  would  be  if 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       149 

they  felt  they  were  partners  in  the  thing,  justly  treated, 
honorably  dealt  with,  generously  paid? 

"  What  is  the  matter  with  the  business  of  this  country 
at  the  present  time?  Men  continually  say  in  my  ear 
that  business  is  not  in  a  satisfactory  condition  in  this 
country.  They  point  out  this  undertaking  and  that  un 
dertaking  and  the  other  that  is  running  at  half  force 
as  if  waiting  for  something. 

"  Is  there  a  business  man  who  does  not  know  that  the 
trouble  with  business  now  is  uncertainty?  You  do  not 
know  what  is  going  to  happen  to-morrow.  Why  don't 
you  know?  Because  the  men  who  are  in  authority  tell 
you  one  thing  to-day  and  another  to-morrow;  because  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  his  Attorney-General,  all 
those  associated  with  him,  give  out  one  utterance  one 
day  and  then  the  next  day  take  it  back  and  apologize 
for  it. 

"  You  have  heard  the  President  speak  about  the  execu 
tion  of  the  Anti-Trust  Law.  You  have  heard  the  Attorney- 
General  quoted  with  regard  to  that.  Do  you  know  what 
either  of  them  is  going  to  do?  Does  anybody  know? 
Do  they  themselves  know  what  they  are  going  to  do? 
What  evidence  have  you  that  you  know  what  they  are 
going  to  do?  They  have  everybody  guessing,  their 
friends  included,  and  you  cannot  conduct  sound  business 
upon  a  test  of  guessing.  You  have  got  to  know  what 
the  morrow  is  going  to  bring  forth. 

"  Unless  business  is  sustained  by  the  confidence  of  the 
public  that  it  is  just;  that  it  is  founded  upon  necessity; 
that  it  rests  upon  fair  dealing;  that  there  is  fair  com 
petition;  that  everybody  has  an  equal  show — you  know 
what  is  going  to  happen.  There  is  going  to  be  universal 
restlessness,  suspicions,  envy,  malice,  a  gathering  force 


150  WOODROW  WILSON 

of  passion  which  sooner  or  later  will  tear  at  the  very 
roots  of  the  whole  structure  and  destroy  it. 

"  What  is  justice,  then,  in  politics  and  in  the  field 
of  business?  Here  are  the  remedies  we  propose  in  order 
to  reproduce  confidence.  That  is  the  object  of  every  bill 
that  I  am  interested  in.  I  want  to  see  the  policies  of 
the  party  that  I  belong  to  shaped  not  to  the  temporary, 
but  to  the  permanent  interests  of  business  in  this  country. 

"  Canada  declined  to  have  commercial  relations  with 
us.  Why  should  they  fear  union  with  us?  Because  they 
are  vastly  ahead  of  us  in  things  that  make  for  orderly 
life  and  steady  business.  We  have  staggered  from  panic 
to  panic,  while  their  banking  system,  their  financial  sys 
tem  and  their  corporation  system  are  on  a  stable  basis 
that  we  have  not  known  or  reached.  America  is 
behindhand." 

Lawrence  O.  Murray,  Comptroller  of  the  National  Cur 
rency,  in  his  annual  report  recently  submitted  to  the 
Second  Session  of  the  Sixty-second  Congress,  makes 
this  startling  statement.  "  The  dishonest  practice  by 
officers  of  National  Banks  of  receiving  personal  compensa 
tion  for  loans  made  by  the  bank,  is  a  growing  evil,  and 
has  already  reached  such  proportions  as  to  call  for 
criminal  legislation  on  the  subject.  In  this  manner," 
he  adds,  "either  the  bank  is  defrauded  of  lawful  in 
terest  which  it  would  otherwise  receive,  or  usurious 
interest  is  exacted  of  a  borrower  by  a  corrupt  officer. 
A  secret  reward  to  the  officers  is  sometimes  a  deliberate 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       151 

bribe  for  obtaining  a  loan  on  insufficient  security."  Mr. 
Murray  recommends  that  "  Federal  or  State  corporations 
holding  stock  in  National  Banks  be  made  liable  to  assess 
ment  as  shareholders."  He  also  asks  Congress  to  extend 
to  ten  years  the  statute  of  limitations  for  the  prosecution 
of  offences  under  the  National  Banking  laws. 

We  propose,  in  all  seriousness,  a  new  question  for 
debating  clubs, — Which  is  on  the  safer  and  the  more 
stable  basis  in  the  United  States  to-day:  business  or 
aviation  ? 

We  have  already  spoken  of  the  great  question  of  re 
forming  the  financial  system.  Governor  Wilson  has 
pointed  out  that  control  of  credit  is  dangerously  con 
centrated;  at  any  rate,  all  credit  upon  any  large  scale. 

"  The  great  monopoly  in  this  country  is  the  money 
monopoly.  So  long  as  that  exists  our  old  variety  and 
freedom  and  individual  energy  of  development  are  out 
of  the  question.  A  great  industrial  nation  is  controlled 
by  its  system  of  credit.  The  growth  of  the  nation,  there 
fore,  and  all  our  activities,  are  in  the  hands  of  a  few  men, 
who,  even  if  their  action  be  honest  and  intended  for 
the  public  interest,  are  necessarily  concentrated  upon 
the  great  undertakings  in  which  their  own  money  is 
involved,  and  who  necessarily,  by  very  reason  of  their 
own  limitations,  chill  and  check  and  destroy  genuine 
economic  freedom.  This  is  the  greatest  question  of  all, 
and  to  this  statesmen  must  address  themselves  with  an 


152  WOODROW  WILSON 

earnest  determination  to  serve  the  long  future  and  the 
true  liberties  of  men." 

These  utterances  by  Governor  Wilson  have  brought 
forth  national  and  international  comment.  Some  of  the 
New  York  papers  inquired  after  the  Governor's  Harris- 
burg  speech,  "Where  does  the  money  monopoly  exist? 
How  is  it  acquired?  How  is  it  exerted?  and  what  are 
the  evils  attending  it?" — all  questions  quite  easily 
answered. 

About  the  time  that  Governor  Wilson  made  his  famous 
money  monopoly  address,  some  remarkable  transactions 
occurred  in  Wall  Street.  J.  Pierpont  Morgan  &  Company 
extended  their  colossal  tentacles  until  the  total  assets  of 
the  banks  controlled  by  them  exceeded  $1,000,000,000. 
While  this  sum  is  not  all  Mr.  Morgan's  money,  it  is  for 
his  firm  to  say  where  it  shall  be  loaned  or  invested. 

The  Morgan  triumvirate  of  banks,  insurance  com 
panies,  and  trust  companies  is,  without  doubt,  the 
eighth  wonder  of  the  world.  The  principal  railroad  com 
panies,  the  country  banks,  the  oil  and  steel  industries 
are  subservient  to  the  will  of  the  "  money  monopoly." 
This  is  a  dominating  factor  in  politics,  as  well  as  finance; 
for  bankers,  political  bosses,  courts,  and  corporation 
counsels  understand  that  the  Morgan  octopus  is  the  main 
spring  of  commercial  life,  without  whose  aid  the  wheels 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       153 

of   industry   cannot  turn   round.    The   most  superficial 
observer  can  see  that  there  is  danger  in  this  system. 

Samuel  Untermyer,  the  distinguished  New  York  law 
yer,  recently  stated: 

"  Governor  Wilson  of  New  Jersey  did  not  mistake  or 
overstate  either  the  facts  or  the  immediate  overshadow 
ing  peril  from  the  growing  concentration  of  the  money 
power  in  America.  The  situation  is  unlike  anything  to 
be  found  in  any  other  part  of  the  world.  Every  man, 
with  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  conditions,  knows 
that  the  dangers  are  little  understood  as*  yet,  and  are 
vastly  underestimated.  The  two  great  and  difficult  pro 
blems  that  confront  us  are:  first,  to  curb  the  concentra 
tion  of  the  money  power,  and  second,  to  regulate  and 
control  the  industrial  competition  engaged  in  interstate 
commerce." 

If  we  are  to  get  at  the  root  of  this  matter  we  must 
seek  to  control  the  extent  to  which  the  money  monopoly 
may  make  use  of  other  people's  money,  and  to  regulate 
the  power  which  is  now  exercised  by  the  money  magnates 
over  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  others. 

The  recent  bill" of  complaint  submitted  in  the  name  of 
the  United  States  Government  in  the  suit  for  the  dissolu 
tion  of  the  steel  trust  contains  the  same  allegations 
which  Governor  Wilson  was  the  first  man  to  make  public. 

Speaking  at  the  Jackson  Day  dinner,  January  8,  1912, 
in  Washington,  D.  C.,  Woodrow  Wilson  said: 


154  WOODROW  WILSON 

"  The  greatest  danger  that  now  confronts  this  country 
is  not  in  the  single  combination  of  capital.  Though  this 
is  dangerous  enough  in  all  countries.  The  danger  lies  in 
the  combination  of  combinations, — in  the  existence  of  a 
single  group  of  men  who  own  the  banks,  the  vast  mining 
interests,  the  water-power  industries  and  other  great 
companies. 

"  It  is  a  colossal  task  to  disentangle  this  colossal  com 
munity  of  interest.  These  combinations  of  combinations 
are  the  dangers  which  we  must  seek  to  remedy  carefully 
and  slowly. 

"  We  must  break  this  spiral  of  concentrated  power 
which  is  ever  coiling  closer  and  closer.  For  myself,  I 
believe  in  the  good  old  rule  of  the  Donnybrook  Fair: 
i  Hit  all  the  heads  you  see/  Make  sure  before  that  your 
shillalas  are  made  of  good  Irish  hickory.  Lop  off  special 
favors  wherever  they  are  to  be  found.  Cut  off  these 
excrescences.  You  may  do  it  safely.  For  you  will  know 
that  you  are  not  cutting  living  tissue.  We  can  break  this 
community  of  interest,  and  we  can  do  it  without  hurting 
the  individual  parts,  though  there  are  instances  where 
I  would  not  consider  it  necessary  to  be  unusually  polite. 
You  can't  establish  competition  by  law,  but  you  can 
take  away  obstacles  to  competition  by  law." 

The  problems  arising  under  the  money  monopoly  in 
tersect  closely  those  relating  to  the  regulation  of  cor 
porations,  concerning  which  Governor  Wilson  has  some 
ideas,  and  with  which  he  has  had  much  experience  in 
New  Jersey.  He  says: 

"  To  put  Federal  law  back  of  the  great  corporations 


A.ND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        155 

would  have  been  to  give  them  the  right  to  dominate  and 
override  local  conditions.  We  believe  in  the  exercise  of 
the  Federal  powers  to  the  utmost  extent  wherever  it  is 
necessary,  that  they  should  be  brought  into  action  for 
the  common  benefit.  But  we  do  not  believe  the  inter 
vention  of  Federal  powers  either  necessary  or  desirable. 
The  task  of  right  regulation  in  the  case  of  common 
carriers,  in  particular,  whose  business  spans  a  score  of 
States,  is  a  task  in  which  we  must  co-operate  with  one 
another,  and  with  the  Federal  authorities. 

"  One  of  the  fundamental  things  to  remember  is  that 
there  are  legitimate  corporations  and  illegitimate  cor 
porations.  The  one  is  intended  to  aid  business,  the  other 
is  intended  as  a  monopoly  in  restraint  of  trade  and  does 
exercise  monopoly.  It  is  that  thing  the  country  has 
made  up  its  mind  it  is  not  going  to  stand." 

Governor  Wilson  has  criticised  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust 
Law  for  its  looseness  in  defining  both  offences  and 
penalties. 

"  We  want  a  law  for  our  business  that  will  give  an 
absolutely  clear  definition  of  what  is  illegal  and  what 
is  legal.  We  want  an  absolute  definition  of  what  is 
going  to  be  done  if  the  law  is  violated.  Some  impatient 
business  man  said :  4  If  they  are  going  to  send  somebody 
to  jail,  why  don't  they  get  to  work  and  send  them  to 
jail  and  let  us  get  through  with  it.  We  are  not  objecting 
to  sending  them  to  jail ;  we  are  objecting  to  not  knowing 
whether  they  are  going  to  jail  or  not.7 

"  The  enterprise  we  are  engaged  on  is  the  restoration 
of  business  in  America.  Business  can  be  restored  only 


156  WOODROW  WILSON 

by  putting  it  on  a  foundation  universally  just  and  open 
to  the  examination  of  other  just  men." 

What  does  Governor  Wilson  believe  to  be  the  best 
policy  of  conservation?  is  a  frequent  question. 

"  Even  the  large  matter  of  conservation  is  more  a 
question  for  the  States  than  for  the  Federal  government. 
The  Federal  government  can  act  in  the  matter  only  in 
so  far  as  it  still  controls  lands  and  forests  and  mines  and 
water  courses.  The  great  bulk  of  the  land  of  the  conti 
nent  and  of  its  resources  has  passed  out  of  Federal  con 
trol  long  ago.  The  States  must  determine  whether  the 
natural  resources  of  the  country  are  to  be  exhausted  or 
renewed,  wasted  or  conserved,  and  the  matter  will  re 
quire  all  the  more  careful  statesmanship  and  planning, 
because  it  will  touch  life  very  intimately  at  many  points. 

"  We  shall  not  be  satisfied  until  we  have  found  the 
way,  not  only  to  preserve  our  great  natural  resources, 
but  also  to  conserve  the  strength  and  health  and  energy 
of  our  people  themselves,  by  protection  against  wrongful 
forms  of  labor,  and  by  securing  them  against  the  myriad 
forms  of  harm,  which  have  come  from  the  selfish  uses  of 
economic  power.." 

"  It  seems  to  me  that  the  fundamental  question  of 
conservation  in  America  is  the  conservation  of  the 
energy,  the  elasticity,  the  hope  of  the  American  peo 
ple.  I  deal  a  great  deal  with  friends,  for  I  have  had 
such  friends  all  my  life,  who  are  engaged  in  manufac 
turing  in  this  country,  and  almost  every  one  of  them  will 
admit  that  while  he  studies  his  machinery,  and  will  dis 
miss  a  man  who  overtaxes  the  machinery  so  that  its  bear 
ings  get  heated,  so  that  the  stress  of  work  is  too  much 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       157 

for  it,  so  that  it  is  racked  and  overdone,  not  a  man  of 
them  dismisses  a  superintendent  because  he  puts  too  great 
a  strain  upon  the  souls  and  hearts  of  his  employees. 
We  rack  and  exhaust  and  reject  the  man  machine,  and 
we  honestly,  economically,  thoughtfully  preserve  the 
steel  machine;  for  we  can  get  more  men — we  have  only 
to  beckon  to  them;  the  streets  are  full  of  them  waiting 
for  employment;  but  we  cannot,  without  cost,  get  a  new 
machine. 

"  Now  that  kind  of  conservation  is  a  great  deal  more 
than  the  question  of  overstraining  the  factories.  If  I 
knew  my  business  and  were  a  manufacturer,  what  would 
I  do?  I  would  create  such  conditions  of  sanitation,  such 
conditions  of  life  and  comfort  and  health  as  would  keep 
my  employees  in  the  best  physical  condition,  and  I  would 
establish  such  a  relationship  with  them  as  would  make 
them  believe  that  I  was  a  fellow  human  being,  with  a 
heart  under  my  jacket,  and  that  they  were  not  my  tools, 
but  my  partners. 

"  Then  you  would  see  the  gleam  in  the  eye,  then  you 
would  see  that  human  energy  spring  into  expression 
which  is  the  only  energy  which  differentiates  America 
from  the  rest  of  the  world.  Men  are  used  everywhere, 
men  are  driven  under  all  climes  and  flags,  but  we  have 
boasted  in  America  that  every  man  was  a  free  unit  of 
whom  we  had  to  be  as  careful  as  we  would  be  of  our 
selves.  America's  economic  supremacy  depends  upon  the 
moral  character  and  the  resilient  hopefulness  of  our  work 
men.  So  I  say,  when  you  are  studying  questions  of  con 
servation,  realize  what  you  have  been  wasting,  the  forests, 
water,  minerals,  and  the  hearts  and  bodies  of  men.  That 
is  the  new  question  of  conservation.  I  say  new,  because 
only  in  our  day  has  the  crowding  gotten  so  close  and 


158  WOODROW  WILSON 

hot  that  there  is  no  free  outlet  for  men.  Don't  you  re 
member  that  until  the  year  1890,  every  ten  years  when 
we  took  the  census,  we  were  able  to  draw  a  frontier  in 
this  country  ?  It  is  true  that  in  what  is  called  the  golden 
age,  1849,  when  gold  was  discovered  in  California,  we 
sent  outposts  to  the  Pacific  and  settled  the  further  slope 
of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  But  between  us  and  that  slope, 
until  1890,  there  intervened  an  unoccupied  space  where 
the  census  map-makers  could  draw  a  frontier.  But  when 
we  reached  the  year  1900  there  was  no  frontier  discover 
able  in  America. 

"What  did  that  mean?  That  meant  that  men  who 
found  conditions  intolerable  in  crowded  America  no 
longer  had  a  place  free  where  they  could  take  up  land 
of  their  own  and  start  a  new  hope.  That  is  what  that 
meant,  and  as  America  turns  upon  herself  her  seething 
millions  and  the  cauldron  grows  hotter  and  hotter,  is  it 
not  the  great  duty  of  America  to  see  that  her  men  remain 
free  and  happy  under  the  conditions  that  have  now  sprung 
up?  It  is  true  that  we  needed  a  frontier  so  much  that 
after  the  Spanish  War  we  annexed  a  new  frontier  some 
seven  thousand  miles  off  in  the  Pacific.  But  that  is  a 
long  cry,  and  it  takes  the  energy  of  a  very  young  man 
to  seek  that  outlet  in  the  somewhat  depressing  climate 
of  the  Philippines. 

"  So  we  now  realize  that  Americans  are  not  free  to 
release  themselves.  W7e  have  got  to  live  together  and  be 
happy  in  the  family.  I  remember  an  old  Judge  who 
was  absolutely  opposed  to  divorce,  because  he  said  that 
a  man  will  be  restless  as  long  as  he  knows  he  can 
get  loose — but  that  so  soon  as  it  is  firmly  settled 
in  his  mind  that  he  has  got  to  make  the  best  of  it,  he 
finds  a  sudden  current  of  peace  and  contentment.  Now. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       159 

there  is  no  divorce  for  us  in  our  American  life.  We 
have  got  to  put  up  with  one  another,  and  we  have  got 
to  see  to  it  that:  we  so  regulate  and  assuage  one  another 
that  we  will  not  be  intolerable  to  each  other.  We  have 
got  to  get  a  modus  vivendi  in  America  for  happiness,  and 
that  is  our  new  problem.  And  I  call  you  to  witness  it 
is  a  new  problem.  America  never  had  to  finish  anything 
before;  she  has  been  at  liberty  to  do  the  thing  with  a 
broad  hand,  quickly,  improvise  something  and  go  on  to 
the  next  thing;  leave  all  sorts  of  waste  behind  her,  push 
on,  blaze  trails  through  the  forest,  beat  paths  across  the 
prairie.  But  now  we  have  even  to  stop  and  pave  our 
streets,  we  are  just  finding  that  out.  I  suppose  it  was 
good  for  the  digestion  to  bump  over  the  old  cobble  stones, 
but  it  was  not  good  for  trade,  and  we  have  got  to  pull 
up  the  cobble  stones  and  make  real  sidewalks  that  won't 
jolt  the  life  out  of  us.  Let  these  somewhat  whimsical 
comparisons  serve  to  illustrate  what  I  am  talking  about. 

"  Now  there  is  another  new  thing  in  America,  and  that 
is  trade.  Well,  you  laugh  at  me  and  say,  l  Why,  America 
has  been  supreme  in  trade  ever  since  she  was  created  '? 
Has  she?  We  have  traded  with  one  another,  but  we  have 
traded  with  nobody  else  in  proportions  worth  mention 
ing.  Yes,  we  have  in  grain,  in  the  great  food  stuffs,  but 
do  you  know  what  is  happening?  Our  food-stuff  exports, 
our  grain  exports  are  falling,  falling,  falling,  not  because 
we  produce  less,  but  because  we  need  more  ourselves.  We 
are  getting  nearer  and  nearer  to  the  point  where  we  will 
ourselves  consume  all  that  our  farms  produce.  Then  we 
will  not  have  anything  with  which  to  pay  our  balance,  will 
we?  Yes,  we  will,  because  while  our  exports  of  grain 
have  been  falling,  our  exports  of  manufactured  articles 
have  been  increasing  by  leaps  and  bounds. 


1GO  WOODROW  WILSON 

"But  under  what  circumstance?  Long  ago,  after  we 
had  forgotten  the  excellent  things  that  the  first  genera 
tion  of  statesmen  had  done  for  us  in  America,  we  deliber 
ately  throttled  the  merchant  marine  of  the  United 
States,  and  now  it  is  so  completely  throttled  that  you 
are  more  likely  to  see  the  flag  of  the  little  kingdom  of 
Greece  upon  the  seas  than  the  flag  of  the  United  States. 
And  you  know  that  the  Nation  that  wants  foreign  com 
merce  must  have  the  arms  of  commerce.  If  she  has  the 
ships,  her  sailors  will  see  to  it  that  her  merchants  have  the 
markets.  I  am  not  arguing  this  with  you,  I  am  telling 
you,  for  the  facts,  if  we  look  but  a  little  ways  for  them, 
will  absolutely  demonstrate  this  circumstance,  that  we 
have  more  to  fear  in  the  competition  of  England,  Ger 
many,  and  France,  because  of  the  multitude  of  English, 
French,  and  German  carriers  upon  the  sea  than  we  have 
to  fear  from  the  ingenuity  of  the  English  manufacturers 
or  the  enterprise  of  the  German  merchants. 

"  Anybody  who  has  dealt  with  railroads  knows  what 
I  am  talking  about.  Eailroads  in  America  have  made 
and  unmade  cities  and  communities  have  they  not?  They 
would  do  it  now  if  they  were  not  watched  by  the  inter 
state  commerce  commission.  We  are  obliging  them  to 
work  without  discrimination,  now,  but  they  at  one  time 
discriminated  as  they  pleased,  and  they  determined 
where  cities  were  to  grow  and  where  cities  were  to 
decay. 

"  Very  well.  The  same  thing  is  happening  upon  the 
high  seas.  The  foreign  carrier  can  tell  you  where  you 
can  go  arid  where  you  cannot  go.  He  can  discriminate 
against  you  and  in  favor  of  his  own  merchants  and  manu 
facturers,  and  he  will,  because  he  does. 

"  And  while  all  this  is  going  on,  and  we  lack  the  means, 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        lf>l 

we  are  fairly  bursting  our  own  jacket.  We  are  making 
more  manufactured  goods  than  we  can  consume  our 
selves,  and  every  manufacturer  is  waking  up  to  the  fact 
that  if  we  do  not  let  anybody  climb  over  our  tariff  wall 
to  get  in,  he  has  got  to  climb  to  get  out;  that  we  have 
deliberately  domesticated  ourselves;  that  we  have  de 
liberately  cut  ourselves  off  from  the  currents  of  trade; 
that  we  have  deliberately  divorced  ourselves  from  world 
commerce ;  and  now,  if  we  are  not  going  to  stifle  economic 
ally,  we  have  got  to  find  our  way  out  into  the  great 
international  exchanges  of  the  world.  There  is  a  new 
question. 

"  I  w^as  speaking  in  Boston  the  other  evening  at  a  real 
estate  exchange,  and  I  asked  those  gentlemen  what  is 
going  to  keep  real  estate  values  in  Boston  steady?  I 
asked  them  if  they  realized  what  was  likely  to  happen 
after  the  year  1015.  You  know  that  in  that  year  it  is 
likely  that  the  great  ditch  in  the  Isthmus  will  be  open 
for  commerce.  We  are  not  opening  it  for  America,  by 
the  way,  because  we  have  n't  any  ships  to  send  through 
it;  we  are  opening  it  for  England  and  Germany.  We 
are  pouring  out  American  millions  in  order  that  German 
exporters,  English  exporters,  and  French  exporters  may 
profit  by  our  enterprise;  and  when  that  is  done,  of  course 
something  is  going  to  happen  to  America." 


Governor  Wilson  holds  most  decided  views  on  the  ex 
tension  of  the  service  which  the  government  shall  render 
to  its  people;  for  instance,  the  necessity  of  establishing 
a  Parcels  Post,  a  Federal  Income  Tax,  and  more 
numerous  Postal  Savings  Banks. 


162  WOODROW  WILSON 

He  believes  that  we  can  only  realize  popular  govern 
ment  through,  putting  the  machinery  of  political  control, 
both  in  state  and  nation,  in  the  hands  of  the  people, 
through  extended  direct  primaries,  a  short  ballot,  and,  as 
we  mentioned  before,  wherever  necessary  and  practical, 
the  initiative,  the  referendum,  and  the  recall :  although  he 
does  not  believe  in  the  recall  of  judges.  He  holds  the 
opinion  that  since  judges  are  not  lawmakers,  their  duty  is 
not  to  determine  what  the  law  shall  be,  but  what  the  law 
is;  that  it  is  sufficient  that  the  people  should  have  the 
power  to  change  the  law  when  they  will;  that  it  is  not 
necessary  that  the  people  should  directly  influence  by 
threat  of  recall  those  who  merely  interpret  the  law  already 
established. 

Many  who  listen  to  Woodrow  Wilson  believe  him  to 
be  a  radical,  and  yet  every  now  and  then,  if  one  watches 
him  closely,  he  will  observe  that  while  Governor  Wilson's 
utterances  are  perfectly  straight  from  the  shoulder  and 
have  a  radical  ring,  yet  he  qualifies  them  with  such  con 
servative  expressions  as  these: 

"  We  ought  always  to  recognize  that  it  is  of  the  very 
essence  of  constructive  statesmanship  that  we  should 
think  and  act  temperately,  wisely,  justly,  in  the  spirit 
of  those  who  reconstruct  and  amend,  not  in  the  spirit 
of  those  who  destroy  and  seek  to  build  from  the  foun 
dations  again.  .  .  . 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       163 

"  The  American  people  is  an  eminently  jnst  and  an 
intensely  practical  people.  They  don't  wish  to  lay  vio 
lent  hands  upon  their  own  affairs ;  but  they  do  claim  the 
right  to  look  them  over  with  close  and  frank  and  fearless 
scrutiny,  from  top  to  bottom.  .  .  . 

"  Every  direction  you  turn  you  will  see  that  what  we 
are  straining  after  is  to  bring  the  government  back  within 
the  touch  of  the  people  and  to  use  it  in  behalf  of  the 
people." 

And  again  we  inquire,  "  Where  is  the  chief  place  in 
which  nearly  all  political  experiments  shall  begin?" 
Woodrow  Wilson  says: 

"  The  States  are  the  trying  out  grounds  of  our  political 
system.  They  are  full  partners  with  the  Federal  govern 
ment  in  the  inspiriting  programme  of  reform.  More  and 
more,  therefore,  would  it  seem,  will  the  energetic  men 
of  this  country  find  their  profitable  field  of  service  in 
the  politics  of  our  States.  It  is  becoming  evident  that 
they  are  to  be  the  battle-ground  of  political  reform." 

Have  we  in  Woodrow  Wilson  a  friend  of  organized 
labor?  Yes. 

"  I  have  always  been  the  warm  friend  of  organized 
labor.  It  is  in  my  opinion  not  only  perfectly  legitimate, 
but  absolutely  necessary,  that  labor  should  organize  if 
it  is  to  secure  justice  from  organized  capital.  And  every 
thing  that  it  does  to  improve  the  condition  of  working- 
men,  to  obtain  legislation  that  will  impose  full  legal 
responsibility  upon  the  employer  for  his  treatment  of  his 
employees  and  for  their  protection  against  accident,  to 


164  WOODROW  WILSON 

secure  just  and  adequate  wages  and  to  put  reasonable 
limits  upon  the  working-day  and  upon  all  the  exactions 
of  those  who  employ  labor  ought  to  have  the  hearty  sup 
port  of  all  fair-minded  and  public-spirited  men ;  for  there 
is  a  sense  in  which  the  condition  of  labor  is  the  condition 
of  the  nation  itself.  The  laboring  man  cannot  benefit 
himself  by  injuring  the  industries  of  the  country.  But 
I  am  much  more  afraid  that  the  great  corporations,  com 
binations,  and  trusts  will  do  the  country  deep  harm  than 
I  am  that  the  labor  organizations  will  harm  it,  and  yet 
I  believe  the  corporations  to  be  necessary  instruments  of 
modern  business." 

Is  Woodrow  Wilson  a  strong  party  man?  He  is,  first 
of  all,  a  people's  man.  To  be  sure  he  is  a  Democrat  with 
a  big  "  D  " ;  but  notice  what  he  says  about  discarding 
party  labels. 

"  The  interesting  thing  of  our  politics  now  is  that  men 
are  not  labelled.  You  cannot  tell  from  the  way  a  man 
voted  last  time  how  he  will  vote  the  next  time.  Men  are 
beginning  to  find  out  that  the  safe  line  is  the  right  line." 

"  What  keeps  the  progressive  elements  of  the  two  great 
parties  apart  ?  "  I  inquired. 

"  The  reasons  are  sentimental,"  he  replied.  "  The  prin 
ciples  are  practically  identical.  As  to  how  long  the  pro 
gressive  branches  of  the  two  parties  will  stay  apart  we 
cannot  tell.  It  won't  be  forever." 

In  a  recent  speech  concerning  the  progressive  move 
ment  Governor  Wilson  said: 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       165 

"  The  great  progressive  sentiment  which,  now  more 
and  more  dominates  the  country,  and  only  awaits  its 
opportunity  to  determine  the  policies  of  the  Government 
is  not  accidental,  is  not  merely  a  passing  phase  expres 
sive  of  the  temperament  of  an  eager  people.  It  is  a 
thing  that  has  arisen  steadily  by  natural  and  inevitable 
force,  like  the  tides  of  the  ocean. 

"  The  most  profitable  thing  that  we  can  do,  in  order 
to  reassure  ourselves,  is  to  ask  why  this  great  body  of 
progressive  opinion  has  grown  so  strong;  why  it  has 
spread  to  almost  every  part  of  the  country. 

"  The  facts  are  unmistakable  enough.  The  history  of 
the  present  administration  has  illustrated  them  at  every 
turn. 

"We  have  seen  an  honest  and  patriotic  man  in  the 
Presidential  chair  struggling  with  the  rising  power,  in 
volved  in  greater  and  greater  difficulties,  because  he  did 
not  understand  that  power,  or  comprehend  the  great  pur 
poses  that  lay  behind  it,  and  yet  unable  to  curb  it  and 
seeming,  in  spite  of  himself,  to  increase  its  volume  by 
the  very  acts  attempted  to  check  it. 

"  What  has  happened  ?  What  is  it  that  the  stand-pat 
ranks  of  the  Eepublican  party  vaguely  battle  with?  Why 
is  the  country  attempting  to  break  away  from  old  party 
formulas,  and  blaze  a  new  path  for  itself  in  politics  under 
a  changed  leadership,  and  by  new  measures  of  reform? 

"  Because  within  less  than  a  generation  all  the  economic 
conditions  of  life  and  business  in  this  country  have 
changed  almost  beyond  recognition,  while  our  politics 
have  all  but  stood  still.  There  has  been  much  con 
troversy.  There  has  been  loud  shouting  as  if  upon  a 
field  of  battle.  Some  measures  of  reform  there  have 
been,  but  there  has  been  no  steady,  consistent  force  to 


166  WOODROW  WILSON 

give  them  their  full  effect,  to  guide  them,  to  adapt  them 
to  conditions  all  along  the  line.  The  sum  of  the  matter 
is  that  our  life  has  changed  and  that  our  policies  are 
belated. 

"  Our  laws  lag  almost  a  generation  behind  our  busi 
ness  conditions  and  our  political  exigencies. 

"  Those  who  insist  upon  undertaking  the  adjustment; 
those  who  argue  that  our  laws  should  be  brought  up  to 
date — to  the  date  marked  upon  the  calendar  of  our 
economic  advance  and  change,  are  called  radicals,  not 
because  they  would  change  the  facts,  but  because  they 
would  adjust  the  law  to  the  facts. 

"  I  do  not  perceive  in  the  United  States  any  danger 
ous  volume  of  passionate  dissatisfaction.  It  seems  to  me 
that  the  air  grows  clearer  rather  than  thicker.  There  is 
no  sign  of  storm  on  the  horizon,  but  there  are  many 
signs  of  a  hopeful  and  better  day.  Those  who  once  con 
tended  that  nothing  was  the  matter  are  now  admitting 
that  a  great  deal  is  the  matter,  that  much  has  been 
done  in  the  world  of  business  and  in  the  money  market 
that  ought  not  to  have  been  done.  They  are  growing 
willing  to  discuss  the  matter,  to  confer,  to  admit  the 
necessity  for  remedies,  and  while  their  temper  has 
changed  the  temper  of  reformers  has  perhaps  grown  more 
sober.  They  are  beginning  to  discuss  the  practicable 
means  of  change  in  a  more  direct  and  businesslike  way. 

"  Recent  investigations  have  been  of  the  greatest  ser 
vice.  They  have  disclosed  and  are  disclosing,  item  by 
item,  just  the  methods  of  business  which  have  been  most 
harmful  and  most  unjust.  I  think  they  have  opened  the 
eyes  of  the  very  men  who  gave  the  testimony. 

"  We  see  that  somewhere  near  the  centre  of  the  whole 
trouble  lies  the  great  system  of  governmental  favors 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       167 

which  we  call  the  tariff.  Round  about  the  tariff  has  been 
built  up  a  body  of  business  undertaking  in  which  control 
has  been  too  much  concentrated.  In  order  to  maintain 
this  control  it  has  been  necessary  to  be  sure  of  the 
patronage  of  the  Government,  and  so  business  has  gone 
deep  into  politics.  Legislative  action  has  been  controlled 
by  special  business  interests.  Party  machinery  has  been 
used  to  serve  private  purposes  and  to  make  sure  pecuniary 
profit.  The  whole  normal  process  of  government  has 
been  reversed  and  government  itself  has  come  to  be  pri 
vately  owned.  The  phrase  may  be  exaggerated,  but  it 
is  only  the  brief  epitome  of  a  state  of  affairs  the  main 
facts  of  which  are  only  too  plain. 

"  And  so  progressives  are  drawing  together,  not  to 
destroy  anything,  but  to  effect  a  wholesome  readjust 
ment;  not  hastily,  not  by  any  too  extensive  plan  which 
runs  beyond  what  we  see  and  know,  but  item  by  item 
we  must  set  the  government  free  from  private  control 
and  set  business  free  from  private  control,  so  that  the 
economic  courses  of  our  life  may  run  free  again,  and 
that  with  their  freedom  we  may  return  to  individual 
opportunity  and  open  the  gates  to  fresh  untrammelled 
achievement.  .  .  .  This  is  the  gospel  of  the  progressive." 

What  does  Woodrow  Wilson  think  about  the  world 
peace  movement? 

"  No  man  can  sit  down  and  withhold  his  hands  from 
the  warfare  against  wrong  and  get  peace  out  of  his 
acquiescence.  The  most  solid  and  satisfying  peace  is 
that  which  comes  from  this  constant  spiritual  warfare; 
and  there  are  times  in  the  history  of  nations  when  they 
must  take  up  the  crude  instruments  of  bloodshed,  in 


168  WOODROW   WILSON 

order  to  vindicate  spiritual  conceptions.  For  liberty  is 
a  spiritual  conception,  and  when  men  take  up  arms  to 
set  other  men  free,  there  is  something  sacred  and  holy 
in  the  warfare.  I  will  not  cry  peace  so  long  as  there 
is  sin  and  wrong  in  the  world." 


An  attempt  has  been  made  in  this  volume  to  present 
both  the  records  and  the  views  of  a  statesman  who  is 
looming  large  as  a  possible  President  of  the  United  States. 
Reference  has  been  made  to  some  of  the  greatest  pro 
blems  of  the  states  and  the  nation  not  yet  solved.  The 
time  is  most  opportune  for  a  man  of  understanding,  pa 
triotism,  energy,  initiative,  force,  fearlessness,  and  experi 
ence  to  come  forward  and  help  us  to  work  out  reform 
processes  which  shall  meet  not  only  present  emergencies, 
but  which  shall  comprehend  the  needs  of  the  future. 

Many  such  times  have  occurred  in  our  history,  but  not 
always  has  there  been  a  leader  on  hand  to  meet  the 
issues,  and  sometimes  we  have  not  been  quick  to  recognize 
the  merit  of  those  who  might  have  served  us  most  ad 
mirably  and  efficiently.  In  fact,  we  have  quite  often 
deprived  ourselves  of  the  best  service  which  our  states 
men  might  have  given  us,  through  distrust,  envy,  ig 
norance,  and  a  fear  that  possibly  some  little  pet  hobby 
or  industry  might  suffer,  if  certain  leaders  came  forward. 
We  have  discounted  the  splendid  attainments  of  many 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        169 

great  men,  and  then,  later,  when  we  have  discovered  that 
(here  was  much  in  their  philosophy  and  ethics  which  we 
needed,  we  have  turned  round,  stolen  the  thunder  of  those 
whom  we  have  previously  scorned,  and  clothed  with 
power  some  individual  who  was  progressive  enough  to 
take  the  cue,  and  make  the  application  of  the  rejected 
man's  principles. 

We  take  it  for  granted  that  the  majority  of  the  people 
now  realize  that  there  is  something  wrong  in  our  organi 
zation  and  administration  of  government,  but  are  we 
going  to  seize  the  opportunity  and  turn  a  search-light  on 
the  facts?  Are  we  going  to  march  with  dark-lanterns 
into  the  recesses  of  the  Hall  of  Private  Management? 
Or  shall  we  continue  to  compromise  and  barter  and  trade 
until  we  have  nothing  left  worth  saving?  Shall  we,  when 
we  find  a  plague  spot  in  government  "  cut  deep  "  and 
remove  it  by  the  roots,  or  shall  we  sprinkle  it  over  with 
toilet  water  to  conceal  the  odor?  We  are  on  the  eve  of 
a  critical  era.  We  are  being  tested  every  day.  Shall 
we  meet  the  test?  And  change,  unless  it  is  the  right 
change,  will  not  settle  anything.  We  must  give  our  very 
best  thought,  attention,  and  action  to  this  matter. 
Things  are  getting  by  the  boards  every  day.  Men  very 
often  go  out  of  office;  ~but  methods  do  not.  The  Demo 
cratic  revival  in  this  country  is  only  a  part  of  a  world 


170  WOODROW   WILSON 

movement  which,  is  taking  place  from  the  Occident  to 
the  Orient.  No  government  can  reach  or  retain  its 
efficiency,  unless  the  people  pursue  a  policy  of  eternal 
vigilance.  The  time  is  now. 

THE  TIME,  THE  PLACE 

Emerson  tells  us  "  America  is  another  word  for  op 
portunity."  We  may  say  Democracy  is  another  word 
for  opportunity.  If  it  stands  for  anything  it  stands  for 
equality  of  privileges,  not  the  cornering  of  privileges. 
The  contest  is  not  one  between  parties,  but  one  between 
principles;  between  the  special  interests  and  the  people. 
It  is  an  old,  old  story.  We  are  only  passing  through  a 
test  period — the  same,  except  for  different  economic  con 
ditions,  through  which  the  progressive  nations  across  the 
water  have  all  passed.  Should  not  the  Democratic 
party,  with  its  sacred  traditions  and  principles,  be  the 
instrument  for  re-Jeffersonizing  the  present  age,  and 
delivering  the  American  people  from  an  era  of  beauti 
fully  indefinite  policies?  Will  not  its  record  during  the 
last  session  of  Congress,  when  it  demonstrated  most 
efficiently  its  capacity  for  carrying  out  the  popular  will, 
commend  the  Democratic  party  to  all  lovers  of  free  gov 
ernment,  regardless  of  former  party  affiliations? 

THE     PLACE — the     Democratic     national     convention 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  HADE  OVER       171 

whose  function  shall  be  to  select  "the  ablest  and  most 
sincere  man  available"  to  lead  us.  Carlyle  has  told  us 
that  often,  indeed,  time  has  called  for  a  great  man  when 
no  great  man  has  appeared.  Now  the  time  calls.  A 
great  man  has  arrived.  Shall  the  place  unite  with  the 
needs  of  the  time  and  place  the  man  where  he  may  render 
his  greatest  public  service :  or  shall  the  hostility  of  some 
faction  of  special  interests,  inspired  by  malice  or  some 
imaginary  fear,  make  it  possible  through  the  two  thirds 
rule,  necessary  to  nominate  a  Democrat  in  the  national 
convention,  to  defeat  this  man  of  the  people?  We  know 
right  well  what  becomes  of  parties  when  they  cannot  find 
their  right  leader.  Let  us  hope  that  the  year  1912  will 
not  witness  a  "  Tweedle-dee "  candidate  running  on  a 
"  Tweedle-dum  "  platform  in  one  party ;  and  a  "  Tweedle 
dum  "  candidate  running  on  a  "  Tweedle-dee "  platform 
in  the  other  great  political  party. 

Some  interested  gentlemen  have  examined  Woodrow 
Wilson's  record  with  a  microscope;  and  they  have  found 
what  may  be  called  one  infinitesimal  inconsistency, 
namely,  that  he  did  not  believe  in  the  initiative  and  re 
ferendum  when  he  taught  Jurisprudence  at  Princeton. 
The  answer  of  any  thinking  person  to  this  must  be  that 
the  initiative  and  referendum  are  only  experimental  fea 
tures  in  their  incipient  stages  in  the  United  States.  They 


172  WOODROW  WILSON 

have  not  been  in  use  long  enough,  except  in  a  few  Western 
States,  to  furnish  any  very  conclusive  evidence  of  their 
practical  success,  or  permanent  efficiency,  but  as  the  ex 
periment  develops  we  are  growing  to  think  kindly  of  both 
these  features  of  reform,  and  indications  are  that  they 
will  demonstrate  a  high  degree  of  usefulness.  Naturally, 
a  great  many  of  us  have  changed  our  minds  since  the 
theory  has  been  more  carefully  studied,  and,  in  many 
cases,  put  into  what  will,  no  doubt,  prove  successful 
operation.  Wise  men  still  change  their  minds.  And  we 
should  remember  that  "  A  foolish  consistency  is  the  hob 
goblin  of  little  minds,  adored  by  little  statesmen  and 
philosophers  and  divines." 

Not  only  have  the  gentlemen  determined  on  Governor 
Wilson's  political  destruction,  made  it  a  crime  for  one 
to  change  his  mind,  but  they  have  likewise  made  it  a 
crime  for  one  to  tell  the  truth. 

If  we  are  correctly  informed  Colonel  George  Harvey 
asked  Governor  Wilson  a  direct  question,  point  blank. 
Very  well,  then,  the  Governor  answered  it,  point  blank, 
without  any  frills  or  furbelows.  Straightway,  the  Gov 
ernor's  enemies  cried  "  Ingrate,"  "  Lese  majesty ! "  Then 
we  must  admit,  must  we,  that  if  a  man  of  political  aspira 
tions  talks  honestly,  frankly,  and  candidly  he  endangers 
his  prospects  ?  Well,  if  we  must,  we  must,  that 's  all ; 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       173 

yet  we  refuse  to  believe  that  right-thinking  people  will 
repudiate  a  man  who  refuses  to  buy  his  way  with  double- 
dealing,  flattery,  and  intrigue.  We  remember  that 
Emerson  defined  a  friend  as  "  one  with  whom  we  may  be 
sincere."  All  right  then.  Was  Governor  Wilson  talk 
ing  to  a  friend,  and  was  he  with  friends,  when  the  Man 
hattan  Club  incident  occurred?  We  would  like  to  know. 
Our  curiosity  is  aroused. 

However  that  may  have  been,  we  do  know  that  on 
account  of  Colonel  Harvey's  "  supposed  environment," 
even  though  his  editorial  activities  in  Governor  Wilson's 
interest  were  sincere  and  independent,  many  people  were 
suspicious  of  Harvey's  aggressive  advocacy  of  the  Wilson 
candidacy.  Many  of  Governor  Wilson's  friends,  Colonel 
Watterson  among  them,  had  suggested  to  the  Governor 
that  it  would  be  a  good  idea  for  Colonel  Harvey  to  tone 
down  somewhat  his  editorial  support.  These  intimations 
reached  Colonel  Harvey's  ears,  and  when  he  questioned 
Governor  Wilson,  requesting  a  frank  reply,  what  could 
Mr.  Wilson,  in  the  name  of  honor,  do,  but  tell  the  truth  ? 
For  this  he  is  to  be  punished. 

"  Let  us  come  to  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter." 
Governor  Wilson  did  not  wish  to  have  the  entire  country 
misunderstand  him,  and  he  refused  to  accept,  without 
protest,  support  coming  from  a  publication,  which  is 


174  WOODROW  WILSON 

said  to  be  directly  owned  and  controlled  by  the  special 
interests.  If  Woodrow  Wilson  wins,  in  the  great  na 
tional  contest,  he  will  not  enter  the  White  House  wearing 
any  man's  harness.  He  will  go  to  Washington,  if  he 
goes  at  all,  as  he  went  to  Trenton,  a  free  man.  He  needs 
only  the  disinterested  support  of  the  people  who  believe 
thoroughly  in  him  and  in  his  principles.  No  embellish 
ments  from  any  source  are  necessary.  The  plain  truth 
disseminated  by  the  plain  people  will  go  a  long  way.  If 
Woodrow  Wilson's  achievements  do  not  carry  him  to 
the  place  of  distinction  which  he  deserves,  it  is  better 
that  he  shall  not  reach  it. 

The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  Newark  Evening 
News,  John  E.  Lathrop,  says: 

"  It  is  now  accepted  as  true  that  Governor  Wilson  was 
asked  by  Colonel  Watterson  or  Colonel  Harvey  to  take 
financial  assistance  from  Thomas  Fortune  Eyan,  that  he 
refused  and  that  at  least  Colonel  Watterson  was  annoyed 
because  his  efforts  to  commit  Governor  Wilson  to  the 
political  chaperon  age  of  Eyan  had  gone  awry. 

"  And  the  acceptance  generally  here  of  that  as  the  ex 
planation  of  the  much-bruited  affair  has  caused  that  re 
action  which  has  been  expected  from  the  beginning.  This 
reaction  is  sweeping.  It  appears  to  have  wiped  out  the 
slight  injury  that  an  insufficient  statement  of  the  facts 
at  first  had  produced — for  it  was  not  denied  that,  at 
first,  the  opponents  of  Governor  Wilson  produced  a  teni- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       175 

porary  situation  that  was  not  advantageous  to  the  New 
Jersey  candidate. 

"To-day,  instead  of  indulging  in  adverse  criticism 
of  Wilson,  for  the  part  he  played,  he  is  commended; 
and  in  addition  the  disposition  to  condemn  Watterson 
and  Harvey  is  noticeable.  In  fact,  indignation  is  ex 
pressed  on  every  side  at  what  appears  to  have  been  an 
attempt  to  lead  Governor  Wilson  into  political  affiliations 
which  would  have  destroyed  all  his  hopes  of  enjoying 
further  confidence  of  the  people  of  the  country. 

"  The  importance  attributed  to  the  affair  resulted  from 
the  human  consideration,  rather  than  the  exact  estimates 
that  were  made  of  the  political  importance  either  of 
Watterson  or  Harvey.  It  had  been  sought  to  create  the 
impression  that  Wilson  was  not  loyal  to  his  friends; 
and  the  deep-down  motive,  doubtless,  was  to  sow  in  the 
minds  of  political  workers  all  over  the  country  the  sus 
picion  that  Wilson's  election  as  President  would  not  be 
to  their  interest. 

"  For  a  few  days,  this  effect  was  produced.  But,  upon 
the  general  publication  of  the  facts  relating  to  the  at 
tempt  to  lead  him  into  the  ultra-conservative  political 
camp,  an  entirely  different  character  of  comment  was 
noticed  here  in  the  many  places  where  politics  is  talked, 
even  before  the  state  of  the  weather. 

"  The  Washington  Herald  prints  an  excerpt  from  a 
Southern  paper,  which  says  that,  '  judging  from  the 
Watterson-Harvey  matter,  if  Wilson  were  to  be  Presi 
dent,  he  would  not  be  "  a  good-natured  man  surrounded 
by  men  who  know  exactly  what  they  want " ' — para 
phrasing  the  now  famous  epigram  of  the  late  Senator 
Dolliver,  of  Iowa,  when  he  was  describing  President 
Taft. 


176  WOODROW  WILSON 

"  It  is  realized  now  that  that  excerpt  exactly  expresses 
the  result  that  has  come  from  an  undoubted  '  frame-up/ 
the  object  of  which  was  to  get  Wilson  in  a  position  so 
that  he  would  have  to  join  the  reactionaries. 

"  It  adds  to,  although  it  does  not  originate,  the  con 
viction  that  the  reactionary  influences  in  American  po 
litical  life  have  determined  that,  if  it  be  within  the  limits 
of  human  power,  they  will  defeat  Wilson  for  the  nomina 
tion  for  President. 

"  Political  Washington  now  knows  that  this  plan  has 
been  laid ;  that  in  its  execution  mighty  forces  are  enlisted, 
and  that  men  high  in  social  and  financial  circles  are  com 
mitted  to  it.  The  facts  connected  with  the  Harvey-Wat- 
terson  affair,  and  others  brought  out  by  the  agitation 
caused  by  it,  clearly  point  out  to  experienced  observers 
the  character  of  the  conflict  just  now  being  waged  for 
the  control  of  the  national  conventions  of  both  the  great 
political  parties. 

"  This  conflict  is  Titanic  in  its  proportions.  It  has 
enlisted  on  the  one  side  those  persons  and  interests  who 
do  not  want  to  witness  an  i  open  door '  administration, 
but  wish  to  have  the  country's  politics  fall  again  to  the 
level  of  the  days  when  campaign  committees  vied  with 
each  other  in  getting  contributions  from  financial 
magnates. 

"No  honest  chronicler  of  Washington  events  can  es 
cape  the  duty  of  recording  that  the  effect  that  has  been 
produced  by  the  Watterson  matter  has  been  distinctly 
beneficial  to  Governor  Wilson.  It  has  served  to  unmask 
some  of  the  motives  that  prompt  and  plans  that  have 
been  laid  by  the  reactionary  political  forces.  The  mes 
sages  pour  into  Washington  from  the  ends  of  the  con 
tinent  that  the  affair  is  now  understood,  and  that, 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        177 

instead  of  injuring  Wilson,  it  has  immensely  helped 
him." 

Then  after  a  private  controversy  has  caused  innumer 
able  public  quarrels  and  foolish  conjectures;  after  can 
non  have  belched  forth  their  fire;  after  the  dead  and 
wounded  have  been  carried  from  the  battle-field,  after 
Colonel  Watterson  has  had  spasm  after  spasm  in  rapid 
succession,  the  correspondence  of  Governor  Wilson  and 
Colonel  Harvey  is  made  public.  And  all  there  is  of  it 
makes  only  a  very  short  story.  Governor  Wilson  be 
lieved  that  he  had  hurt  Colonel  Harvey's  feelings,  and 
then  manfully  apologized  for  it.  The  Governor  explained 
that  his  only  thought  with  reference  to  the  support  of 
Harper's  Weekly  was  to  convince  the  public  of  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  Weekly's  position. 

Treading  upon  the  heels  of  the  publication  of  the 
Wilson-Harvey  letters,  comes  the  final  statement  (let  us 
hope),  of  Colonel  Watterson.  He  tells  us,  on  February 
1,  1912,  that— 

"From  first  to  last  I  have  been  acting  not  only  with 
Colonel  Harvey's  full  knowledge  and  approval  but  upon 
his  insistence;  that  from  the  beginning  he  was  most  im 
patient  of  delay,  sending  a  personal  representative  to 
me  in  Atlanta  the  24th  of  December,  and  again  the  same 
representative  to  Richmond  the  31st  of  December,  urging 
rne  to  take  the  initiative;  that  he  was  unqualified  in  iu- 


178  WOODROW  WILSON 

dorsing  my  statement  of  the  Manhattan  Club  incident, 
writing  forthwith  to  declare  it '  perfect,'  and  he  was  with 
me  in  the  New  Willard  in  Washington  up  to  last  Sunday 
night,  sharing  all  I  did  and  had  done." 

If  Colonel  Watterson  gives  us  an  accurate  presentation 
of  facts  here,  what  are  we  to  think  of  the  assurances  of 
friendship  which  Colonel  Harvey  gave  to  Governor  Wil 
son  through  correspondence,  as  late  as  January  5,  1912? 
There  can  be  but  one  conclusion,  and  it  would  be  a  waste 
of  space  to  print  it. 

It  is  passing  strange  that  every  discharge  or  lightning 
emanating  from  anti-Wilson  sources  serves  to  illuminate 
and  make  more  brilliant  the  character  of  Woodrow  Wil 
son.  Every  knock  proves  to  be  a  boost.  His  enemies 
criticised  him  because  after  twenty-five  years  of  faithful 
service  as  a  teacher,  at  a  modest  salary,  he  made  an 
application  for  a  teacher's  pension.  But  this  incident 
only  proved  the  school-master-statesman  to  be  "  poor  in 
purse."  Then  there  is  William  Eandolph  Hearst,  and 
"  men  may  come  and  men  may  go,"  but  Willie  Hearst 
"  goes  on  forever."  Probably  the  most  exalted  compli 
ment  that  has  yet  been  paid  to  Woodrow  Wilson's 
statesmanship  has  been  the  opposition  of  the  Hearst 
publications  to  Wilson's  candidacy.  And  best  of  all  the 
assaults  of  the  Kentucky  Colonel  have  established  the 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        179 

fact  that  the  special  interests  can  not  secure  a  mortgage 
on  the  New  Jersey  Governor. 

THE  TIME,  THE  PLACE,  THE  MAN. — Woodrow  Wilson  is 
the  man.  His  record  indicates  as  much.  We  can  de 
termine  from  it  what  policies  he  will  adopt  and  what 
standards  he  will  establish  when  he  becomes  President. 
He  has  been  a  fearless  State  spokeman.  He  would  be 
equally  as  fearless  as  a  "  National  voice." 

Does  not  the  present  chaos  and  confusion  in  our  legis 
lative  system  indicate  that  we  need  a  modern  Justinian, 
who  will  take  on  the  responsibilities  of  leadership  with 
out  flinching;  who  will  stand  to  his  guns  and  never 
hedge?  You  know  what  Justinian  did.  There  were  two 
thousand  volumes  of  statutes  when  he  came  into  power. 
They  were  honeycombed  with  the  influence  of  the  favored 
classes.  Justinian  led  the  way,  and  substituted  for  these 
two  thousand  volumes  a  compact  little  library  of  fifty 
pamphlets.  They  contain  the  germ  of  all  our  modern 
law.  What  we  need  is  a  new  Justinian  to  do  the  stunt 
all  over  again. 

In  Governor  Wilson's  message  to  the  1912  New  Jersey 
Legislature  he  said: 

"  It  is  imperative,  as  it  seems  to  me,  that  the  use  of 
the  courts  of  justice  by  the  people  should  be  simplified 
and  facilitated.  Our  legal  procedure  is  too  technical, 


180  WOODROW  WILSON 

too  complicated,  too  expensive,  too  little  adapted  to  the 
use  of  the  poor  and  unschooled.  .  .  .  We  are  proud  of 
our  bench :  why  should  we  not  put  ourselves  in  a  position 
to  be  equally  proud  of  our  administration  of  justice  as 
based  upon  the  best  reformed  models?" 


"  We  are  clamoring  for  leadership."  Who  is  best  fitted 
to  lead?  The  time  has  produced  a  man,  a  profound 
scholar,  a  persuasive  and  convincing  orator,  a  keen 
thinker,  a  prudent  practitioner,  an  energetic  leader,  a 
Tilden  Democrat,  who  began  with  his  own  State  and 
carried  out  numerous  reforms  in  an  "  intelligently 
radical  "  manner. 

His  "  luminous  record,"  his  age  fifty-five,  his  tempera 
ment,  his  political  purposes  and  tendencies,  and  his  char 
acter  and  convictions  point  to  the  conclusion  that 
Woodrow  Wilson  is  the  only  Democratic  Presidential 
candidate.  He  is  a  Southern-Northerner  and  a  Northern- 
Southerner; — a  national  favorite  son,  a  Yankee-Doodle- 
Dixie  candidate,  your  Joline  letters,  your  cocked  hats, 
your  Harvey-Wilson-Watterson  controversies,  and  the 
New  York  Sun  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding! 

Public  sentiment  will  demand  his  nomination.  The 
people  will  recognize  his  peculiar  fitness  for  leader 
ship.  Woodrow  Wilson  will  be  President  of  the  United 
States. 


WOODROW    WILSON    IN 


Copyright,    Underwood,    New    York. 
HIS    STUDY. 


"The  man  of  intellect  at  the  top  of  affairs.  This  is  the  aim  of  all 
constitutions  and  revolutions  if  they  have  any  aim.  For  the  man  of  true 
intellect  is  the  noble-hearted  man  withal,  the  true,  just,  humane,  and 
valiant  man.  Get  him  for  Governor,  all  is  got.  Fail  to  get  him,  though 
you  had  constitutions  plentiful  as  black-berries  and  a  Parliament  in  every 
village,  there  is  nothing  yet  got !" — Thomas  Carlyle. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  HADE  OVER       181 

We  return  to  Carlyle.  "  The  man  of  intellect  at  the 
top  of  affairs.  This  is  the  aim  of  all  constitutions  and 
revolutions,  if  they  have  any  aim.  For  the  man  of  true 
intellect  is  the  noble-hearted  man  withal,  the  true,  just, 
humane,  and  valiant  man.  Get  him  for  Governor  all  is 
got.  Fail  to  get  him,  though  you  had  constitutions 
plentiful  as  blackberries,  and  a  Parliament  in  every 
village,  there  is  nothing  yet  got!  We  shall  either  learn 
to  know  a  hero,  a  true  Governor  and  Captain,  some 
what  better,  when  we  see  him,  or  else  go  on  to  be  for 
ever  governed  by  the  unheroic;  had  we  ballot-boxes 
clattering  at  every  street-corner  there  were  no  remedy 
in  these ! " 

May  we  be  pardoned  for  drawing  a  picture  of  the 
future?  May  we  not  imagine  Woodrow  Wilson,  the  ideal 
citizen,  ex-President,  in  private  life,  devoting  himself  to 
literature  which  shall  forever  conserve  the  interests  of 
the  American  people? 

P.S. — If  Woodrow  Wilson  is  elected  President  of  the 
United  States,  the  author  invites  to  a  feast  the  Hon. 
James  Smith,  Jr.,  the  Hon.  James  Nugent,  the  Hon.  James 
C.  Dahlman,  the  Hon.  A.  H.  Joline,  "  for  he  is  an  honor 
able  man ;  so  are  they  all  honorable  men,"  Colonel  Henry 


182  WOODROW  WILSON 

Watterson,  Colonel  George  Harvey,  William  Randolph 
Hearst,  William  F.  McCombs,  and  President  Woodrow 
Wilson.  The  Hon.  James  Smith,  Jr.,  may  name  the 
time,  the  place,  the  food,  and  the  caterer,  the  only  con 
dition  imposed  is  that  Mr.  Smith  shall  act  as  toast- 
master. 

AFTER-DINNER  SPEECHES 

James  Smith,  Jr. — 

"  Is  this  a  dagger  that  I  see  before  me, 
The  handle  toward  my  hand  ? 
Come,  let  me  clutch  thee. 
I  have  thee  not,  and  yet  I  see  thee  still." 

James  Nugent    (dreaming  of  the  Neptune  Heights   in 
cident) — 

v  That  which  hath  made  them  drunk  hath  made  me  bold ; 
What  hath  quenched  them  hath  given  me  fire." 

James  Dahlman— 

"  Merciful  powers, 

Restrain  in  me  the  cursed  thoughts  that  Nature  gives 
way  to  in  repose ! " 

Adrian  H.  Joline,  reading  a  letter: 

"  I  have  lost  my  hopes." 

Colonel  WTatterson — 

"  The  table  >s  full." 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  HADE  OVER       183 

First  Apparition. — A  cocked  hat. 

Second  Apparition. — New  York  Journal  and  New  York 

Sun  draped  in  mourning. 
Third  Apparition. — A  Kentucky  Colonel  with  a  bottle  of 

Lithia  water  in  his  hand. 

Colonel  Harvey — 

"  Which  of  you  have  done  this?  " 

William  Randolph  Hearst— 

"  Thou  canst  not  say  I  did  it, 
Never  shake  thy  gory  locks  at  me." 

Colonel  Watterson — 

"  Then  comes  my  fit  again." 


A  show  of  eight  Democratic  Presidents  and  William 
Jennings  Bryan  last,  with  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence  in  his  hand. 


President  Wilson — 

"  What  I  am  truly  is  my  poor  country's  to  command." 

William  F.  McCombs— 

"  Such  welcome  and  unwelcome  things  at  once 
'T  is  hard  to  reconcile." 


ADDRESS  BY  OOV.  WOODROW  WILSON  AT  THE 

ANNUAL  BANQUET  OF  THE  ECONOMIC  CLUB 

IN  THE  HOTEL  ASTOR  ON  MAY  23,  1912 

MR.  PRESIDENT,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  : 

I  listened  with  a  great  deal  of  interest  to  the  very 
gracious  introduction  that  you  have  just  heard,  but  with 
some  scepticism  upon  one  of  the  statements.  Mr.  Mil- 
burn  said  that  everybody  here  knew  w^hat  I  am,  but  that 
depends  upon  which  newspaper  he  has  read.  Most  per 
sons  are  so  thoroughly  uninformed  as  to  my  opinions  that 
I  have  concluded  that  the  only  things  they  have  not  read 
are  my  speeches. 

But  I  want  to  say  that  it  is  with  a  great  deal  of 
pleasure  that  I  find  myself  here  to-night,  turning  out  of 
the  troubled  paths  of  practical  politics  to  come  into  a 
place  where  you  have  the  purpose  and  the  appearance 
of  deliberation.  I  have  never  believed  entirely  that  there 
was  very  much  thinking  upon  general  public  questions 
done  in  the  City  of  New  York ;  not  because  there  are  not 

some  of  the  finest  thinking  machines  in  New  York  that 

184 


NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER  185 

are  to  be  found  anywhere,  but  because  the  brains  of  New 
York  are  so  devoted  throughout  long  days  to  special  un 
dertakings  that  there  is  only  the  evening,  when  fatigue 
has  conquered  you,  in  which  to  think  about  the  affairs 
of  the  country.  And,  therefore,  it  seems  to  me  that  men 
of  eminent  success  in  the  fields  of  business  are,  above  all 
others,  under  a  moral  obligation  to  get  together  and  talk 
of  things  which  do  not  concern  their  own  private  under 
takings.  It  is  refreshing  at  this  particular  time  to  have 
an  opportunity  to  discuss,  not  personalities,  but  the  ques 
tions  of  the  day.  I  was  in  a  New  England  city,  not  many 
weeks  ago,  which  had  just  been  visited  on  the  two  pre 
ceding  days  by  two  militant  candidates  for  nomination. 
I  had  occasion  at  the  opening  of  my  speech  to  say: 
"  After  w^hat  you  people  have  been  through  the  last  two 
days,  perhaps  you  would  like  to  know  what  the  questions 
of  the  day  are."  I  was  interested  to  find  that  instead  of 
a  mere  smile,  I  got  out  of  that  audience  that  had  dropped 
in  from  the  street,  a  spontaneous  cheer.  They  felt  re 
freshed  at  the  idea  that  they  might  hear  something  dis 
cussed  which  did  not  have  the  bitterness  of  personality 
in  it. 

And  yet,  it  is  a  serious  fact,  ladies  and  gentlemen, 
that  it  is  very  difficult  to  discuss  those  very  questions  of 
the  day  without  seeming  to  bring  a  touch  of  passion  and 


186  WOODROW  WILSON 

bitterness  into  them.  We  talk  a  great  deal  about  the 
radicalism  of  our  time,  but  the  radicalism,  if  you  will 
analyze  it,  does  not  consist  in  the  things  that  are  pro 
posed  but  in  the  things  that  are  disclosed.  It  is  in  the 
analysis  of  existing  conditions  that  your  public  speakers 
seem  to  be  radical.  How  shall  our  difficulties  be  settled 
after  we  have  excited  our  minds  by  disclosing  those  con 
ditions?  We  are  so  busy  with  the  preliminary  contro 
versy  with  regard  to  what  the  real  state  of  the  facts  is 
that  we  carry  that  extreme  over  into  the  other  area, 
which  should  be  an  area  of  calmness,  of  deliberation, 
namely,  the  area  of  the  discussion  of  what  shall  be  done 
in  the  circumstances. 

Very  little  has  been  said  about  that,  but  a  great  deal 
has  been  said,  and  sometimes  internperately  said,  about 
the  real  state  of  affairs.  Nowhere,  it  seems  to  me,  in  the 
country  more  than  in  New  York  ought  we  to  be  very 
frank  with  one  another;  because  in  New  York,  taking 
you  in  the  aggregate,  you  know  what  the  facts  are  and 
if  you  are  frank  with  one  another  and  take  the  public 
into  your  confidence,  you  may  be  instrumental  in  instruct 
ing  the  country  concerning  what  it  must  found  its 
thoughts  upon. 

WThen  you  discuss  the  relation  between  government 
and  business,  you  touch  at  once  the  seat  of  irritation. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  HADE  OVER        187 

I  have  not  found  a  single  audience  in  this  vicinity  in 
which  the  business  men  were  not  up  in  arms  at  being 
interfered  with  by  the  action  of  the  Government — in 
which  there  were  not  to  be  found  a  great  many  men  who 
said,  "  If  the  politicians  would  only  let  us  alone,  the  coun 
try  would  prosper  and  all  business  would  settle  down  to 
a  sound  and  steady  condition."  They  have  been  critics 
of  government  because  government  would  not  let  business 
rest  and  be  free.  Now,  no  study  of  the  history  of  the 
Government  can  be  candidly  made  which  will  not  lead 
to  this  conclusion — that  the  very  thing  that  government 
cannot  let  alone  is  business,  for  business  underlies  every 
part  of  our  life;  the  foundation  of  our  lives,  of  our 
spiritual  lives  included,  is  economic. 

I  heard  a  very  interesting  preacher  say  several 
months  ago,  in  preaching  upon  the  sequence  of  the  peti 
tions  in  the  Lord's  Prayer,  that  it  was  significant  that 
our  Saviour's  first  petition  was  "  Give  us  this  day  our 
daily  bread,"  for  no  man  can  rationally  live,  worship,  or 
love  his  neighbor  on  an  empty  stomach;  and  if  he  is  in 
doubt  where  the  food  is  to  come  from,  if  he  fears  he  will 
be  without  work  and  sustenance,  it  is  impossible  that 
he  should  have  a  rational  attitude  toward  the  life  of  the 
community  or  towards  his  own  life.  Therefore,  it  is  the 
object  of  government  to  make  those  adjustments  of  life 


188  WOODROW  WILSON 

which  will  put  every  man  in  a  position  to  claim  his 
normal  rights  as  a  living,  human  being. 

Government  cannot  take  its  hands  off  of  business. 
Government  must  regulate  business,  because  that  is  the 
foundation  of  every  other  relationship,  particularly  of 
the  political  relationship.  It  is  futile,  therefore,  to  have 
the  politicians  take  their  hands  off.  They  may  blunder 
at  the  business,  but  they  cannot  give  it  up.  They  may 
make  fundamental  mistakes — they  will  make  a  great 
many  if  you  do  not  frankly  assist  and  instruct  them— 
but  they  must  go  forward  whether  instructed  or  not. 

I  think  one  of  the  few  grounds  of  discouragement  in 
our  days — for  I  do  not  think  there  are  many — is  that 
business  men  and  the  lawyers  who  guide  business  men  are 
jealously  withholding  their  counsel  from  those  who  try 
to  guide  affairs,  withholding  it  as  those  who  withdraw 
in  suspicion,  as  if  they  should  say,  "  We  cannot  parley 
with  those  men,  their  ears  are  not  candidly  open  to  us  " ; 
and  so  there  has  grown  up  on  one  side  and  on  the  other 
an  attitude  of  distrust  which  does  not  augur  well  for  a 
settlement  of  delicate  questions. 

The  whole  problem  of  our  life,  gentlemen,  is  to  under 
stand  one  another,  the  whole  problem  of  politics  is  to 
get  together.  Politics  is  not  a  mechanical  problem, 
politics  is  not  a  problem  of  setting  interests  off  against 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        189 

each  other  upon  such  a  plan  as  that  one  cannot  harm 
the  other.  The  problem  of  politics  is  co-operation.  The 
organic  co-operation  of  the  parts  is  the  only  basis  for 
just  government;  unless  we  come  to  an  understanding, 
there  can  be  no  government.  No  man  can  hold  off  from 
affairs  and  count  himself  a  faithful  citizen  of  the 
Republic. 

I  have  been  interested  in  one  piece  of  speculative 
explanation,  and  to  bring  this  to  your  attention,  I  might 
turn  aside  for  a  moment. 

One  of  the  chief  benefits  I  used  to  derive  from  being 
president  of  a  university  was  that  I  had  the  pleasure 
of  entertaining  thoughtful  men  from  all  over  the  world. 
I  cannot  tell  you  how  much  dropped  into  my  granary  by 
their  presence.  I  had  been  casting  around  in  my  thought 
for  something  by  which  to  draw  several  parts  of  my 
political  ideas  together  when  it  was  my  good  fortune  to 
entertain  a  very  interesting  Scotchman  who  had  been 
devoting  himself  to  the  philosophical  thought  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  His  talk  was  so  engaging  that  it 
was  delightful  to  hear  him  speak  of  anything,  and  pres 
ently  there  came  out  of  the  unexpected  region  of  his 
thought  the  thing  I  had  been  waiting  for.  He  called  my 
attention  to  the  fact  that  in  every  generation  all  sorts 
of  speculation  and  thinking  tend  to  fall  under  the  formula 


190  WOODROW  WILSON 

of  the  dominant  thought  of  the  age  that  hag  preceded 
that.  For  example,  after  the  Newtonian  Theory  of  the 
universe  had  been  developed,  almost  all  thinking  tended 
to  express  itself  upon  the  analogies  of  the  Newtonian 
Theory,  and  since  the  Darwinian  Theory  has  reigned 
amongst  us,  everybody  tries  to  express  what  he  wishes 
to  expound  in  the  terms  of  development  and  accommoda 
tion  to  environment.  Now,  it  came  to  me  as  this  interest 
ing  man  talked,  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
had  been  made  under  the  dominion  of  the  Newtonian 
Theory.  You  have  only  to  read  the  papers  of  the 
Federalist  to  see  it  written  on  every  page.  They  speak 
of  the  "  checks  and  balances  "  of  the  Constitution  and  use 
to  express  their  idea  the  simile  of  the  organization  of 
the  universe,  and  particularly  of  the  solar  system — how 
by  the  attraction  of  gravitation  the  various  parts  are  held 
in  their  orbits,  and  represent  Congress,  the  Judiciary, 
and  the  President  as  a  sort  of  imitation  of  the  solar 
system. 

No  government,  of  course,  is  a  mechanism;  no  me 
chanical  theory  will  fit  any  government  in  the  world, 
because  governments  are  made  up  of  human  beings,  and 
all  the  calculations  of  mechanical  theory  are  thrown  out 
of  adjustment  by  the  intervention  of  Ihe  human  will. 
Society  is  an  organism  and  every  government  must  de- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       191 

velop  according  to  its  organic  forces  and  instincts.  I  do 
not  wish  to  make  the  analysis  tedious;  I  will  merely  ask 
you,  after  you  go  home,  to  think  over  this  proposition: 
that  wThat  we  have  been  witnessing  for  the  past  hundred 
years  is  the  transformation  of  a  Newtonian  Constitution 
into  a  Darwinian  Constitution.  The  place  where  the 
strongest  will  is  present  will  be  the  seat  of  sovereignty. 
If  the  strongest  will  is  present  in  Congress,  then  Congress 
will  dominate  the  Government;  if  the  strongest  guiding 
will  is  in  the  Presidency,  the  President  will  dominate  the 
Government;  if  a  leading  and  conceiving  mind  like  Mar 
shall's  presides  over  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  he  vrill  frame  the  Government,  as  he  did.  There 
are  no  checks  and  balances  in  the  mechanical  sense  in 
the  Constitution;  historical  circumstances  have  deter 
mined  the  character  of  our  Government.  While  we  were 
forming  the  Government — that  is  to  say,  down  to  a  hun 
dred  years  ago,  when  the  War  of  1812  was  being  fought, 
while  we  were  finding  our  place  among  the  nations  of 
the  world,  while  our  most  critical  relations  were  over 
foreign  relations — the  Presidency  necessarily  stood  at 
the  front  of  affairs.  You  will  find  all  the  early  Presidents 
directly  forming  the  Government.  But  after  we  got  our 
standing  among  the  peoples  of  the  world — from  the  close 
of  the  War  of  1812  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  Spanish- 


192  WOODROW  WILSON 

American  War,  with  the  exception  of  the  interval  of  the 
Civil  War — the  Presidents  count  for  very  little.  There 
was  then  a  free,  miscellaneous  domestic  development  that 
was  insusceptible  of  guidance;  it  was  spontaneous;  it 
sprang  up  unbidden  in  every  part  of  the  country;  the 
place  of  common  counsel  was  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States;  and  the  Congress  overshadowed  the  President. 

One  of  the  things  I  have  always  felt  that  Webster 
and  Clay  did  not  see  was  that  they  would  diminish  their 
prestige  and  power  if  they  left  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  and  entered  the  Presidency.  Why  the  men  who 
wrere  leading  the  chamber  that  was  dominating  the  Nation 
should  have  wished  to  be  in  the  chair  which  was  over 
shadowed  by  that  chamber,  I  have  never  been  able  to 
understand. 

But  then  came  the  Spanish-American  War.  Since 
then  America  has  stood  up,  looked  about  her,  drawn  the 
veil  of  preoccupation  from  her  eyes,  and  beheld  herself 
a  great  Power  among  the  peoples  of  the  world;  and  ever 
since  that  moment  the  President  has,  of  necessity,  become 
the  guiding  force  in  the  affairs  of  the  country.  It  was 
inevitable  and  it  now  will,  no  doubt,  remain  inevitable 
because  we  are  now  in  the  same  case  with  all  other  gov 
ernment.  We  cannot  shut  our  eyes  to  foreign  questions 
-particularly  now  when  we  see  some  prospect  of  break- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       193 

ing  our  isolation  by  lowering  the  tariff  wall  between  us 
and  other  nations;  now  that  we  see  some  possibility  of 
Hinging  our  own  flag  out  upon  the  seas  again  and  taking 
possession  of  our  rightful  share  of  the  trade  of  the  world. 

We  have  found  that  the  private  debates  of  committees 
and  the  haphazard  creations  of  legislation  in  bodies  which 
no  one  leads,  do  not  suffice  to  clear  our  affairs.  We 
must  have  some  central  points  of  guidance.  This  is  the 
adjustment  to  environment;  this  is  the  Darwinization  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States.  There  is  no  vio 
lence  in  the  process ;  there  is  no  violence  to  any  principle 
of  our  Constitution;  because,  as  has  been  said  so  often, 
the  beauty  of  that  Constitution  is  that  it  did  not  predict 
anything,  but  left  everything  possible  by  the  very  sim 
plicity  and  elasticity  of  its  make-up.  If  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  had  gone  into  the  detail  that  some 
of  our  State  constitutions  go  into,  we  would  have  to 
change  it  every  ten  years,  on  the  average,  as  we  have 
changed  them. 

Now,  all  of  this  that  seems  pertinent  to  the  matter 
which  I  would  now  bring  to  your  attention,  is  that  there 
must  be  some  guiding  and  adjusting  force — some  single 
organ  of  intelligent  communication  between  the  whole 
Nation  and  the  Government  which  determines  the  policy 

of  that  Nation.     And,  inasmuch  as  that  determination 
13 


194  WOODROW  WILSON 

must  turn  upon  economics — that  is  to  say,  upon  business 
questions,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  we  should  ana 
lyze  our  present  situation  with  regard  to  nothing  but 
the  facts. 

Perhaps  I  may  sum  up  my  idea  in  this  way:  The 
question  of  statesmanship  is  a  question  of  taking  all  the 
economic  interests  of  every  part  of  the  country  into  the 
reckoning.  Every  time  any  change  is  to  be  made  in 
economic  policies  it  must  be  made  by  an  all-around 
accommodation  and  adjustment.  Is  that  possible?  There 
is  no  man,  there  is  no  group  of  men,  who  comprehend  the 
entire  business  interests  of  this  country;  it  is  incon 
ceivable  that  there  should  be.  At  best  we  can  make  a 
very  rough  and  ready  approximation  of  it;  and  in  order 
that  you  may  make  even  an  approximation,  it  is  neces 
sary  that  there  should  be  a  free  play  of  opinion  from 
every  part  of  the  country  upon  the  sensitive  centre  at 
Washington.  Just  as  soon  as  one  part  begins  to  press 
harder  than  another,  then  the  prospect  of  justice  is  un 
certain,  the  task  of  statesmanship  is  rendered  just  so 
much  the  more  difficult.  All  the  sensitive  parts  of  the 
Government  ought  to  be  open  to  all  the  active  parts  of 
it.  So  soon  as  a  small  group  of  the  active  parts  organize 
for  the  purpose  of  seeing  to  it  that  the  Government  hears 
and  heeds  only  them,  then  the  task  becomes  impossible. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        195 

Let  me  illustrate  it  by  the  tariff,  because  every  busi 
ness  question  in  this  country,  whether  you  think  so  or 
not,  gentlemen,  comes  back,  no  matter  how  much  you 
put  on  the  brakes,  to  the  question  of  the  tariff. 

I  hear  on  every  side  that  the  tariff  was  the  "  domi 
nant  "  issue.  Why,  you  cannot  escape  from  it  no  matter 
in  which  direction  you  go.  The  tariff  is  situated  in  rela 
tion  to  other  questions  like  Boston  Common  in  the  old 
arrangement  of  that  interesting  city.  I  remember  see 
ing  once,  in  Life,  a  picture  of  a  man  standing  at  the 
door  of  one  of  the  railway  stations  of  Boston  and  in 
quiring  of  a  Bostonian  the  way  to  the  Common.  "  Take 
any  of  these  streets,"  was  the  reply,  "  either  direction.'' 
Now,  as  the  Common  was  related  to  the  former  winding 
streets  of  Boston,  so  the  tariff  question  is  related  to  the 
economic  questions  of  our  day.  Take  any  direction  and 
you  will  sooner  or  later  get  to  the  Common.  In  discus 
sing  the  tariff  you  may  start  at  the  centre  and  can  go 
in  any  direction  you  please. 

Let  us  illustrate  by  standing  at  the  centre,  the  Com 
mon  itself.  You  know  as  far  back  as  1828,  when  they 
did  not  know  anything  about  politics  as  compared  with 
what  we  know  now,  a  tariff  bill  was  passed  which  was 
called  the  "  Tariff  of  Abominations,"  because  it  did  not 
have  any  beginning  or  end  or  plan.  It  had  no  traceable 


19C  WOODROW  WILSON 

pattern  in  it.  It  was  as  if  the  demands  of  everybody 
in  the  United  States  had  all  been  thrown  indiscriminately 
into  one  basket  and  that  basket  presented  as  a  piece  of 
legislation.  It  has  been  a  general  scramble  and  every 
body  who  scrambled  hard  enough  had  been  taken  care  of 
in  the  tariff  schedules  resulting.  It  was  an  abominable 
thing  to  the  thoughtful  men  of  that  day,  because  no  man 
guided  it,  shaped  it,  or  tried  to  make  an  equitable  system 
out  of  it.  That  was  bad  enough,  but  at  least  everybody 
had  an  open  door  through  which  to  scramble  for  his 
advantage.  It  was  a  go-as-you-please,  free-for-everybody 
struggle,  and  anybody  who  could  get  to  Washington  and 
say  he  represented  an  important  business  interest  could 
be  heard  by  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means.  We 
have  a  very  different  state  of  affairs  now.  The  Com 
mittee  on  Ways  and  Means  and  the  Finance  Committee 
of  the  Senate  discriminate  by  long  experience  among  the 
persons  whose  counsel  they  are  to  take  in  respect  to 
tariff  legislation,  because  there  has  been  substituted  for 
this  unschooled  body  of  citizens  that  used  to  clamor  at 
the  doors  of  the  Finance  Committee  and  the  Committee 
on  Ways  and  Means,  one  of  the  most  interesting  and 
able  bodies  of  expert  lobbyists  that  has  ever  been  devel 
oped  in  the  experience  of  any  country — men  who  know  so 
much  about  the  matters  they  are  talking  of  that  you 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  HADE  OVER        197 

cannot  put  your  knowledge  into  competition  with,  theirs. 
ISecause  they  overwhelm  you  with  their  knowledge  of 
detail,  you  cannot  discover  wherein  their  scheme  lies. 
They  suggest  the  change  of  a  fraction  in  a  particular 
schedule  and  explain  it  to  you  so  plausibly  that  you 
cannot  see  that  it  means  millions  of  dollars  additional 
for  the  consumer  of  this  country.  Again,  they  propose 
to  put  the  carbon  in  our  electric  lights  in  two-foot  pieces 
instead  of  one-foot  pieces  and  you  do  not  see  where  you 
are  getting  sold  because  you  are  not  an  expert  and  they 
are.  They  have  calculated  the  whole  thing  beforehand, 
they  have  analyzed  the  whole  detail  and  consequences, 
each  one  in  his  specialty.  As  compared  with  him  the 
average  unschooled,  inexperienced  business  man  has  no 
possibility  of  competition.  Instead  of  the  old  scramble, 
which  was  bad  enough,  you  got  the  present  expert  con 
trol  of  the  tariff  schedules.  Thus  the  relation  between 
business  and  government  becomes  not  a  matter  of  the 
exposure  of  all  the  sensitive  parts  of  the  Government  to 
all  the  active  parts  of  the  people,  but  the  special  impres 
sion  upon  them  of  a  particular  organized  force  in  the 
business  world;  moreover,  so  far  as  deliberation  is  con 
cerned,  its  action,  its  motions,  its  actual  purposes  are 
secret.  Why,  it  is  notorious,  for  example,  that  many 
members  of  the  Finance  Committee  of  the  Senate  did  not 


198  WOODROW  WILSON 

know  the  significance  of  the  tariff  schedules  which  were 
reported  in  the  present  tariff  bill  to  the  Senate,  and 
members  of  the  Senate  who  asked  Mr.  Aldrich  direct 
questions  for  information  were  refused  the  information 
they  sought,  sometimes,  I  dare  say,  because  he  could  not 
give  it,  and  sometimes,  I  venture  to  say,  because  dis 
closure  of  the  information  would  have  embarrassed  the 
passage  of  the  measure.  There  were  essential  papers 
which  could  not  be  got  at.  Take  that  very  interesting 
matter,  that  will-o-the-wisp,  known  as  "  the  cost  of  pro 
duction."  It  is  hard  for  any  man  who  has  ever  studied 
Economics  at  all  to  restrain  a  cynical  smile  when  he  is 
told  that  an  intelligent  body  of  his  fellow-citizens  are 
looking  for  "  the  cost  of  production  "  as  a  basis  for  tariff 
legislation.  It  is  not  the  same  in  any  one  factory  for 
two  years  together.  It  is  not  the  same  in  one  industry 
from  one  season  to  another.  It  is  not  the  same  in  one 
country  at  two  different  periods.  It  is  constantly  eluding 
your  grasp.  It  does  not  exist  as  a  scientific,  demon 
strable  datum  fact.  But,  in  order  to  carry  out  the  extra 
ordinary  program  proposed  in  the  late  national  platform 
of  the  Republican  party,  it  was  necessary  to  go  through 
the  motions  of  finding  out  what  it  was.  I  am  credibly 
informed  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  re 
quested  several  foreign  governments,  among  others  the 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        199 

Government  of  Germany,  to  supply  it  with  as  reliable 
figures  as  possible  concerning  the  cost  of  producing  cer 
tain  articles  corresponding  with  those  produced  in  the 
United  States.  The  German  Government,  I  understand, 
put  the  matter  in  the  hands  of  certain  of  her  manu 
facturers,  who  sent  in  just  as  complete  answers  as  they 
could  procure  from  their  books.  The  information  reached 
our  Government  during  the  course  of  the  debate  on  the 
Paine-Aldrich  bill  and  was  transmitted — for  the  bill  by 
that  time  had  reached  the  Senate — to  the  Finance  Com 
mittee  of  the  Senate.  But  I  am  told — and  I  have  no 
reason  to  doubt  it —  that  it  never  came  out  of  the  pigeon 
holes  of  the  Committee.  T  don't  know  and  that  Committee 
does  n't  know  what  the  information  it  contained  was. 
When  Mr.  Aldrich  was  asked  about  it,  he  first  said  it 
was  not  an  official  report  from  the  German  Government. 
Afterwards  he  said  it  was  an  impudent  attempt  on  the 
part  of  the  German  Government  to  interfere  with  tariff 
legislation  in  the  United  States !  But  he  never  said  what 
the  cost  of  production  disclosed  by  it  was.  If  he  had,  it 
is  more  than  likely  that  some  of  the  tariff  schedules 
would  have  been  shown  to  be  entirely  unjustifiable. 

Such  instances  show  you  just  where  the  centre  of 
gravity  is— and  it  is  a  matter  of  gravity  indeed,  for  it 
is  a  very  grave  matter!  It  lay  during  the  last  Congress 


200  WOOD  ROW  WILSON 

in  the  one  person  who  was  the  accomplished  intermediary 
between  the  expert  lobbyists  and  the  legislation  of  Con 
gress.  I  am  not  saying  this  in  derogation  of  the  char 
acter  of  Mr.  Aldrich.  It  is  no  concern  of  mine  what 
kind  of  man  Mr.  Aldrich  is.  Now,  particularly,  that  he 
has  retired  from  public  life  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference. 
The  point  is  that  he,  because  of  his  long  experience,  his 
long  handling  of  these  delicate  and  private  matters,  was 
the  usual  and  natural  instrument  by  which  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  informed  itself,  not  as  to  the  wishes 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States  or  of  the  rank  and 
file  of  business  men  of  the  country,  but  as  to  the  needs 
and  arguments  of  the  experts  who  came  to  arrange 
matters  with  the  committees. 

The  moral  of  the  whole  matter  is  this:  The  business 
of  the  United  States  is  not  as  a  whole  in  contact  with  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  So  soon  as  it  is,  the 
matters  which  now  give  you,  and  justly  give  you,  cause  for 
uneasiness  will  disappear.  Just  so  soon  as  the  business 
of  this  country  has  general,  free,  welcome  access  to  the 
councils  of  Congress,  all  the  friction  between  business 
and  politics  will  disappear. 

There  is  another  matter  to  which  you  must  direct 
your  attention,  whether  palatable  or  not.  I  do  not  talk 
about  these  things  because  they  please  my  palate;  I  do 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        201 

not  talk  about  them  because  I  want  to  attack  anybody 
or  upset  anyone;  I  talk  about  them  because  I  wish  to 
find  out  what  the  facts  are,  otherwise,  I  will  move  like 
a  man  groping  in  darkness.  If  what  I  say  is  not  true, 
then  I  am  susceptible  of  correction. 

You  will  notice  from  a  recent  investigation  that 
things  like  this  take  place:  A  certain  bank  invests  in 
certain  securities.  It  appears  from  the  evidence  that 
the  handling  of  these  securities  was  very  intimately  con 
nected  with  the  maintenance  of  the  price  of  a  particular 
commodity.  Nobody  ought,  and  in  normal  circumstances 
nobody  would,  for  a  moment  think  of  suspecting  the 
managers  of  a  great  bank  of  making  such  an  investment 
in  order  to  help  those  who  were  conducting  a  particular 
business  in  the  United  States  to  maintain  the  price  of 
their  commodity;  but  the  circumstances  are  not  normal. 
It  is  beginning  to  be  believed  that  in  the  big  business 
of  this  country  nothing  is  disconnected  from  anything 
else.  I  do  not  mean  in  this  particular  instance  to  which 
I  have  referred  and  have  in  mind  to  draw  any  inference 
at  all,  for  that  would  be  unjust;  but  take  any  investment 
of  an  industrial  character  by  a  great  bank.  It  is  known 
that  the  directorate  of  that  bank  interlaces  in  personnel 
with  ten,  twenty,  thirty,  forty,  sixty  boards  of  directors 
of  all  sorts,  of  railroads  which  handle  commodities,  of 


202  WOODROW  WILSON 

great  groups  of  manufacturers  which  manufacture  com 
modities,  and  of  great  merchants  that  distribute  com 
modities;  and  the  reason  that  a  bank  is  under  suspicion 
with  regard  to  its  investments  is  that  it  is  at  least  con 
sidered  possible  it  is  playing  the  game  of  somebody  who 
has  nothing  to  do  with  banking,  but  with  whom  some  of 
its  directors  are  connected  and  joined  in  interest.  The 
ground  of  unrest  and  uneasiness,  in  short,  on  the  part 
of  the  public  at  large,  is  the  growing  knowledge  that 
many  large  undertakings  are  interlaced  with  one  another, 
indistinguishable  from  one  another  in  personnel. 

Therefore,  when  a  small  group  of  men  approach  Con 
gress  in  order  to  induce  the  committee  concerned  to  con 
cur  in  certain  legislation,  nobody  knows  the  ramifications 
of  the  interests  which  those  men  represent,  and  therefore 
it  is  not  the  frank  and  open  action  of  public  opinion  in 
public  counsel,  but  every  man  is  at  any  rate  suspected 
of  representing  some  other  man  and  it  is  not  known 
where  the  connection  ceases.  The  whole  question,  there 
fore,  with  regard  to  the  relation  of  government  to  busi 
ness  is  this,  gentlemen,  not  whether  there  should  be  a 
connection,  not  whether  economic  legislation  should  be 
carefully,  studiously,  prudently  considered,  but  through 
whom  is  the  connection  to  be  maintained?  Are  the  con 
tacts  to  be  general  or  special?  Are  they  to  be  in  the 


AND  XEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        203 

iiature  of  general  public  opinion  or  in  the  nature  of 
private  control? 

I  am  one  of  those  who  have  been  so  fortunately  cir 
cumstanced  that  I  have  had  the  opportunity  to  study  the 
way  in  which  these  things  come  about  and  therefore  I  do 
not  suspect  any  man  has  deliberately  planned  these  things. 
I  am  not  so  uninstructed  and  misinformed  as  to  suppose 
that  there  is  a  malevolent  combination  somewhere  to 
dominate  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  I  merely 
say  that  by  certain  processes,  now  well  known,  and  per 
haps  natural  in  themselves,  there  has  come  about  so 
extraordinary  a  concentration  in  the  control  of  business 
in  this  country  that  the  people  are  afraid  that  there  will 
be  a  concentration  in  the  control  of  government.  That 
either  is  so  or  is  not.  If  it  is  so,  I  beg  you  to  observe 
that  I  am  not  a  radical  in  frankly  stating  it.  If  it  is 
not  so,  then  I  am  desirous  of  your  co-operation  in  order 
that  I  may  be  better  informed;  for  I  hold  my  mind  open 
to  every  kind  of  information  that  I  can  get;  and  I  have 
sense  enough  to  know  that  no  one  man  understands  the 
United  States. 

I  have  met  some  gentlemen  who  professed  they  did. 
I  have  even  met  some  business  men  who  professed  they 
held  in  their  own  single  comprehension  the  business  of 
the  United  States;  but  1  am  educated  enough  to  know 


204  WOODROW  WILSON 

that  they  do  not.  Education  has  this  useful  effect,  that 
it  narrows  of  necessity  the  circles  of  one's  egotism.  No 
student  knows  his  subject.  The  most  he  knows  is  where 
and  how  to  find  out  the  things  he  does  not  know  with 
regard  to  it.  That  is  also  the  position  of  a  statesman. 
No  statesman  understands  the  whole  country.  He  should 
make  it  his  business  to  find  out  where  he  will  get  the 
information  to  understand  at  least  a  part  of  it  at  a 
time  when  dealing  with  complex  affairs.  What  we  need 
more  than  anything  else,  therefore,  is  experience  meet 
ings,  like  this — a  universal  revival  of  common  counsel. 
That  ?s  what  investigations  by  Congress  are  for.  I  do 
not  understand  their  primary  object  to  be  to  get  anybody 
in  jail  or,  if  it  be  to  find  out  which  men  ought  to  be  in 
jail  and  which  ought  not,  it  is  with  the  confident  ex 
pectation  that  it  will  be  discovered  that  the  vast  majority 
ought  not  to  be.  But  the  majority  are  under  suspicion 
until  it  is  discovered  who  the  minority  are  who  ought  to 
be  in  jail.  No  man  could  even  get  through  a  highly 
reputable  company  like  this  without  investigation  and 
put  his  finger  on  the  innocent  men.  Not  until  every 
thing  about  you  is  known  is  it  possible  to  separate  the 
sheep  from  the  goats;  but  I  have  a  confident  expectation 
that  the  majority  of  the  sheep  would  be  enormous  and 
it  would  not  be  necessary  to  shear  them. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       205 

You  remember  it  was  told  of  a  certain  United  States 
Senator  that  he  was  so  cautious  in  his  statements  that 
he  was  the  despair  of  every  newspaper  reporter  who 
sought  to  interview  him.  On  one  occasion  he  was  on  a 
train  which  was  passing  through  a  grazing  country  and 
saw  a  flock  of  sheep  in  the  field.  It  was  rather  late  in 
the  season.  One  of  his  companions  remarked,  "  That  'a 
very  singular,  those  sheep  are  not  sheared  yet."  The 
Senator  answered,  "  So  it  would  appear,  looking  at  them 
from  this  side." 

Now,  the  shearing-time  has  not  come  in  the  great  matter 
we  speak  of,  and  I  do  not  think  it  will  come ;  but  the  time 
has  come  to  determine  who  are  responsible  for  the  things 
that  ought  not  to  be  done,  who  are  to  be  set  free  to  do 
as  they  please,  for  that  is  the  problem  of  honest  business 
and  right  politics.  The  problem  of  politics  is,  who  should 
be  restrained  and  who  should  not;  and  the  problem  of 
business  is,  who  should  be  restrained  and  who  should  not. 
The  whole  analysis  of  modern  conditions  is  a  discussion 
of  control.  Do  not  get  impatient,  therefore,  gentlemen, 
with  those  who  go  about  preaching  "  We  must  return  to 
the  rule  of  the  people."  All  they  mean,  if  they  mean 
anything  rational,  is  that  we  must  consent  to  let  a  ma 
jority  into  the  game.  We  must  not  permit  any  system 
to  go  uncorrected  which  is  based  upon  private  under- 


200  WOODROW  WILSON 

standings  and  expert  testimony ;  we  must  not  allow  the 
few  to  determine  what  the  policy  of  the  country  is  to 
be.  It  is  a  question  of  access  to  our  own  Government. 
There  are  very  few  men  within  the  sound  of  my  voice 
who  have  any  real  access  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  It  is  a  matter  of  common  counsel ;  it  is  a  matter 
of  united  counsel;  it  is  a  matter  of  mutual  comprehen 
sion;  it  is  a  matter  of  mutual  understanding. 

I  wish  these  matters  could  be  more  discussed,  but 
it  is  very  difficult  to  discuss  them  nowadays;  there  is 
too  much  noise  in  the  air.  I  feel  nowadays,  not  in 
gatherings  like  this,  but  in  gatherings  of  the  ordinary 
sort,  very  much  as  I  felt  at  a  certain  county  fair.  The 
grand-stand  by  the  race-track  was  set  back  from  the 
track,  I  suppose  fifty  feet,  and  a  speakers'  stand  had 
been  erected  just  in  front  of  it,  opposite  the  little  pagoda 
where  the  judges  of  races  stood;  and  I  was  put  up  to 
address  the  grand-stand.  Just  back  of  the  grand-stand 
there  was  a  most  obstreperous  hurdy-gurdy  accompany 
ing  the  giddy  motions  of  a  merry-go-round,  and  while  I 
was  trying  with  my  voice  to  compete  with  that,  they 
started  a  horse-race  behind  my  back.  Not  having  the 
attention  of  the  grand-stand,  I  did  what  any  normal 
man  would  have  done:  I  stopped  and  watched  the  horse 
race.  That  is  an  allegory  with  regard  to  our  present 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  HADE  OVER       207 

situation.  It  is  very  difficult  to  address  the  grand-stand, 
and  I  am  glad  I  got  you  off  in  a  corner. 

But  what  is  at  stake?  That's  what  makes  a  man's 
thought  infinitely  sober,  and  sometimes  touches  it  with 
a  certain  degree  of  sadness.  What  is  at  stake  in  this 
business?  Why,  nothing  less  than  the  content,  the  hope, 
and  the  life  of  the  people  of  this  country.  Say  what 
you  please,  the  real  basis  of  disturbance  in  the  field  of 
business  just  now  is  the  suspicion  of  the  great  body  of 
people  in  the  United  States  concerning  the  methods  and 
combinations  of  business;  and  business  cannot  breathe 
an  atmosphere  of  suspicion  and  live.  You  must,  at  any 
risk,  remove  that  suspicion,  or  else  there  can  be  no  normal 
business  in  the  United  States. 

What  is  that  suspicion  based  upon?  It  is  not  a 
contest  between  the  men  now  in  control  of  business  and 
the  men  now  in  control  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  It  is  a  contest  between  those  men  and  the  normal 
life  of  the  country;  and  there  is  everything  involved. 
How  would  it  suit  the  prosperity  of  the  United  States, 
how  would  it  suit  the  success  of  business,  to  have  a  people 
that  went  every  day  sadly  or  sullenly  to  their  wrork? 
How  would  the  future  look  to  you  if  you  felt  that  the 
aspiration  has  gone  out  of  most  men,  the  confidence  of 
success,  the  hope  that  they  might  change  their  condition, 


208  WOODROW  WILSON 

if  there  was  everywhere  the  feeling  that  there  was  some 
where  covert  dictation,  private  arrangement  as  to  who 
should  be  in  the  inner  circle  of  privilege  and  who  should 
not,  a  more  or  less  systematic  and  conscious  attempt  to 
dictate  and  dominate  the  economic  life  of  the  country? 
Do  you  not  see  that  just  so  soon  as  the  old  self-confidences 
of  America,  just  so  soon  as  her  old  boasted  advantages 
of  individual  liberty  and  opportunity  are  taken  away, 
all  the  energy  of  her  people  begins  to  subside,  to  slacken, 
to  grow  loose  and  pulpy,  without  fibre,  and  men  simply 
cast  around  to  see  that  the  day  does  not  end  disastrously 
with  them? 

For  eighteen  months  now  I  have  been  on  the  inside 
of  some  things  and  I  owe  it  to  a  very  elastic  temperament 
that  I  have  not  become  cynical.  When  I  know  that  cer 
tain  men  actually  do  not  possess  political  liberty  because 
other  men  hold  their  notes,  then  I  know  that  normal 
conditions  do  not  exist  in  the  United  States,  and  that 
I  do  know,  for  I  have  had  it  from  the  mouths  of  the  men 
who  suffered  thraldom.  When  I  know  that  men  very 
prominent  in  business  dare  not  tell  me  what  they  think 
of  some  of  the  circumstances  of  the  organization  of 
modern  business  except  privately  and  under  pledge  of 
confidence,  then  I  know  that  something  sinister  has  hap 
pened  in  America  that  has  disturbed  our  intellectual 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       209 

manhood  and  our  political  liberty.  I  have  made  it  my 
business  to  talk  with  men  who  understand  the  economic 
conditions  of  the  country  vastly  better  than  I  do,  because 
they  were  concerned  in  large  business  transactions,  and 
I  have  almost  invariably  found  them  disposed  to  ask 
me  not  to  say  where  I  got  my  information. 

In  God's  name,  gentlemen,  where  does  that  point!  Is 
it  possible  that  there  is  some  financial  tyranny  obtaining 
in  America?  It  is  not  necessary  that  the  men  who  exer 
cise  it  should  entertain  tyrannous  purposes;  they  may  be 
unconscious  of  it;  they  may  feel  the  same  impulse  of 
patriotism  that  you  and  I  feel.  Is  it  possible  that  we 
have  allowed  the  system  to  grow  up  which  they  use  and 
that  you  and  the  other  men  are  afraid  of  them?  That 's 
what  we  have  to  face;  and  our  stake  is  the  reputation 
and  happiness  of  a  great  nation.  Alas,  that  we  should 
have  to  ask  the  question!  Alas,  that  men  who  ask  it 
should  be  supposed  to  be  desirous  of  upsetting  the  in 
stitutions  of  the  country!  Some  of  the  institutions  of 
this  country  have  been  upset  already  not  by  political 
agitators  but  by  those  who  have  exercised  an  illegitimate 
control  over  the  Government,  over  the  Legislatures  of  the 
States  of  the  Union.  There,  again,  I  am  on  ground 
absolutely  firm  under  my  feet;  for  it  is  the  ground  of 
knowledge.  I  can  furnish  you  a  list  of  the  partners  and 

14 


210  WOODROW  WILSON 

I  say  that  when  that  is  true,  if  it  can  be  true,  then 
our  duty  is  so  plain,  so  luminous,  so  attractive,  that  I 
do  not  see  how  any  man  can  turn  away  from  it.  It  is 
nothing  less  than  to  rehabilitate  our  own  self-respect  and 
our  own  liberty;  it  is  nothing  less  than  the  opportunity, 
the  glorious  opportunity,  to  recover  the  institutions  of 
the  United  States,  to  set  them  up  again  in  their  purity 
and  integrity  and  see  to  it  that  no  man  dare  breathe  a 
single  breath  of  suspicion  against  them;  to  see  that  they 
are  not  tarnished  by  the  defiling  touch  of  any  man  with 
unclean  hands! 

We  have  come  to  an  age  when  constructive  states 
manship  is  imperative  and  I  thank  God  for  it.  Who 
will  be  the  volunteers?  Who  will  volunteer  for  im 
mortality?  Ah,  how  men  deprive  themselves  of  honor! 
How  men  live  upon  husks  and  throw  away  the  thing  that 
nourishes!  How  men  lose  the  happiness  of  life  by  not 
seeing  wherein  it  consists!  How  men  selfishly  decline 
to  serve,  and  so  find  out  the  infinite  reward  of  unselfish 
ness!  How  blind,  how  self-denying,  how  stupid  we  are! 

There  are  some  words  about  which  we  are  very  care 
ful.  There  is  not  much  discriminating  use  of  individual 
words  in  America,  but  there  is  one  word  about  which 
we  are  very  careful.  We  use  the  word  "  great  "  to  de 
scribe  anybody  who  has  been  talked  about.  It  does  not 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER       211 

require  character  to  be  great;  it  requires  only  size  of 
achievement.  You  may  throttle  everybody  else  and  get 
everything  they  own  and  be  "  great."  You  may  be  great 
and  be  feared;  but  there  is  one  word  which  we  bestow 
with  great  discrimination  and  that  is  the  word  "  noble." 
You  cannot  be  noble  without  character  you  cannot  be 
noble  and  not  be  loved;  you  cannot  be  noble  and  not 
serve  somebody ;  you  cannot  be  noble  and  spend  every 
energy  you  have  on  yourself. 

Who  are  candidates  for  this  open  peerage  of  America? 
Who  desires  the  patent  of  nobility  amongst  us?  Only 
those  who  will  enter  upon  this  great  enterprise  of  re 
covering  the  ancient  purity  and  simplicity  of  our  politics. 
We  can  do  it  by  mere  candor;  we  can  do  it  by  merely 
discussing  the  facts  and  meeting  them.  We  can  do  it 
without  disturbing  one  of  the  legitimate  transactions 
of  business. 

I  am  always  afraid  that  business  men  who  are  un 
easy  have  something  to  be  uneasy  about;  or  that,  if  there 
is  nothing  in  itself  that  justifies  their  uneasiness,  per 
haps  they  do  not  comprehend  what  their  real  situation 
is.  You  can  find  it  out  in  this  way.  Take  the  experience 
in  Wisconsin.  The  men  who  were  in  control  of  the 
public-service  corporations  of  Wisconsin  fought  the  plans 
of  that  State  for  the  regulation  of  such  corporations  as 


212  WOODROW  WILSON 

they  would  have  fought  the  prospect  of  ruin ;  and  what 
happened?  Regulation  of  the  most  thorough-going  sort 
was  undertaken  and  the  result  was  that  the  securities 
of  those  companies  were  virtually  guaranteed  to  pur 
chasers.  Instead  of  being  speculative  in  value,  they  were 
known  to  be  absolutely  secure  investments,  because  a 
disinterested  agency,  a  commission  representing  the  com 
munity  looked  into  the  conditions  of  this  business, 
guaranteed  that  there  was  not  water  enough  in  it  to 
drown  in,  guaranteed  that  there  was  business  enough 
and  plant  enough  to  justify  the  charges  and  to  secure  a 
return  of  legitimate  profit;  and  every  thoughtful  man 
connected  with  such  enterprises  in  Wisconsin  now  takes 
off  his  hat  to  the  men  who  originated  the  measures  once 
so  much  derided.  The  chief  benefit  was,  not  regulation, 
but  frank  disclosure  and  the  absolutely  open  and  frank 
relationship  between  business  and  government.  That  ?s 
the  advantage.  The  regulation  may  in  some  particulars 
have  been  unwise  and  hasty,  but  the  relationship  was 
absolutely  normal  and  wholesome.  That  is  the  way,  no 
doubt,  in  which  a  satisfactory  relationship  is  going  to 
be  restored  between  the  business  of  the  country  and  the 
Government  of  the  United  States — by  frank  disclosure 
and  well-considered  readjustment. 

Of  course,  there  must  be,  first,  a  flood  of  released  water. 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        213 

I  have  sometimes  wondered  whether  that  great,  obstruct 
ing  "  standpat "  dam  was  not  erected  to  restrain  the  re- 
.  lease  of  watered  stock.  You  must  let  it  out  sooner  or 
later;  and  the  sooner  the  better,  because  if  we  do  it 
soon,  we  will  do  it  in  good  temper,  and  if  late,  there  is 
danger  it  may  be  done  in  ill-temper. 

What  is  the  alternative,  gentlemen?  You  have  heard 
the  rising  tide  of  Socialism  referred  to  here  to-night. 
Socialism  is  not  growing  in  influence  in  this  country  as 
a  programme.  It  is  merely  that  the  ranks  of  protestants 
are  being  recruited.  Socialism  is  not  a  programme  but 
a  protest  against  the  present  state  of  affairs  in  the 
United  States.  If  it  becomes  a  programme,  then  we  shall 
have  to  be  very  careful  how  we  purpose  a  competing  pro 
gramme.  I  do  not  believe  in  the  programme  of  Socialism. 
If  any  man  can  say  he  knows  anything  from  the  past, 
perhaps  he  can  say  that  the  programme  of  Socialism  would 
not  work;  but  there  is  no  use  saying  what  won't  work 
unless  you  can  say  what  will  work. 

A  splendid  sermon  was  once  preached  by  Dr.  Chal 
mers  on  "  The  Expulsive  Power  of  a  New  Affection."  If 
you  want  to  oust  Socialism,  you  have  got  to  propose 
something  better.  It  is  a  case,  if  you  will  allow  me  to 
fall  into  the  language  of  the  vulgar,  of  "  put  up  or  shut 
up."  You  cannot  oppose  hopeful  programmes  by  negations. 


214  WOODROW  WILSON 

Every  statesman  who  ever  won  anything  great  in  any  self- 
governing  country  was  a  man  whose  programme  would 
stand  criticism  and  had  the  energy  behind  it  to  move 
forward  against  opposition.  It  is  by  constructive  pur 
pose  that  you  are  going  to  govern  and  save  the  United 
States,  and  therefore  a  man  ought  to  welcome  the  high 
privilege  of  addressing  an  audience  like  this.  You  can 
analyze,  you  can  form  purposes.  Many  of  you  do  know 
what  is  going  on.  You  know  what  part  is  wrong  and 
what  is  right,  if  you  have  not  lost  your  moral  perspective, 
and  you  know  how  the  wrong  can  be  stopped. 

Very  well,  then,  let  us  get  together  and  form  a  con 
structive  programme,  and  then  let  us  be  happy  in  the 
prospect  that  in  some  distant  day  men  shall  look  back  to 
our  time  and  say  that  the  chief  glory  of  America  was 
not  that  she  was  successfully  set  up  in  a  simple  age 
when  mankind  came  to  begin  a  new  life  in  a  new  land, 
but  that,  after  the  age  had  ceased  to  be  simple,  when 
the  forces  of  society  had  come  into  hot  contact,  when 
there  was  bred  more  heat  than  light,  there  were  men 
of  serene  enough  intelligence,  of  steady  enough  self-com 
mand,  of  indomitable  enough  power  of  will  and  purpose 
to  stand  up  once  again  and  say :  "  Fellow-citizens,  we 
have  come  into  a  great  heritage  of  liberty;  our  heritage 
is  not  wealth;  our  distinction  is  not  that  we  are  rich  in 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        215 

power;  our  boast  is,  rather,  that  we  can  transmute  gold 
into  the  life  blood  of  a  free  people."  Then  it  will  be 
recorded  of  us  that  we  found  out  again  what  seemed 
the  lost  secret  of  mankind — how  to  translate  power  into 
freedom,  how  to  make  men  glad  that  they  were  rich,  how 
to  take  the  envy  out  of  men's  hearts  that  others  were 
rich  and  they  for  a  little  while  poor,  by  opening  the  gates 
of  opportunity  to  every  man  and  letting  a  flood  of  gracious 
guiding  light  illuminate  the  path  of  every  man  that  is 
born  into  the  world. 


SPEECH  MADE  BY  HON.  JOHN  W.  WESCOTT, 
OF  CAMDEN,  NEW  JERSEY,  BEFORE  THE 
DEMOCRATIC  NATIONAL  CONVENTION,  BAL 
TIMORE,  ON  JUNE  28,  1912 

NEW  JERSEY,  once  bound,  but,  by  the  moral  energy 
and  intellectual  greatness  of  a  single  soul,  now  free, 
comes  to  this  historic  convention,  in  the  glory  of  her 
emancipation,  to  participate  in  your  deliberations,  aid 
in  formulating  your  judgments,  and  assist  in  executing 
your  decrees.  The  New  Jersey  delegation  is  not  em 
powered  to  exercise  the  attributes  of  proprietorship,  but 
is  commissioned  to  represent  the  great  cause  of  Democ 
racy  and  to  offer  you,  as  its  militant  and  triumphant 
leader,  a  scholar,  not  a  charlatan;  a  statesman,  not  a 
doctrinaire;  a  profound  lawyer,  not  a  splitter  of  legal 
hairs;  a  political  economist,  not  an  egotistical  theorist; 
a  practical  politician,  who  constructs,  modifies,  restrains 
without  disturbance  and  destruction;  a  resistless  de 
bater  and  consummate  master  of  statement,  not  a  mere 

sophist ;  a  humanitarian,  not  a  def amer  of  characters  and 

216 


NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER  217 

lives;  a  man  whose  mind  is  at  once  cosmopolitan  and 
composite  of  America ;  a  gentleman  of  unpretentious 
habits,  with  the  fear  of  God  in  his  heart  and  the  love 
of  mankind  exhibited  in  every  act  of  his  life;  above  all 
a  public  servant  who  has  been  tried  to  the  uttermost 
and  never  found  wanting — i>eerless,  matchless,  uncon 
querable,  the  ultimate  Democrat,  Woodrow  Wilson. 

New  Jersey  has  reasons  for  her  course.  Let  us  not 
be  deceived  in  our  premises.  Campaigns  of  vilification, 
corruption,  and  false  pretense  have  lost  their  usefulness. 
The  evolution  of  national  energy  is  towards  a  more  in 
telligent  morality  in  politics  and  in  all  other  relations. 
The  line  of  cleavage  is  between  those  who  treat  politics 
as  a  game  and  those  who  regard  it  as  the  serious  busi 
ness  of  Government.  The  realignment  of  political  parties 
will  be  on  this  principle.  The  situation  admits  of  no 
compromise.  The  temper  and  purpose  of  the  American 
public  will  tolerate  no  other  view.  The  indifference  of 
the  American  people  to  politics  has  disappeared.  Any 
platform  and  any  candidate  not  conforming  to  this  vast 
social  and  commercial  behest  will  go  down  to  ignominious 
defeat  at  the  polls.  Platforms  are  too  often  mere  his 
toric  rubbish  heaps  of  broken  promises.  Candidates  are 
too  frequently  the  unfortunate  creatures  of  arrangements 
and  calculations.  Exigencies,  conditions,  national  needs 


218  WOODROW  WILSON 

and  necessities  make  better  platforms  and  produce 
greater  leaders  than  does  the  exercise  of  proprietorship. 
A  disregard  of  these  premises  will  bring  our  dreams 
crashing  in  ruins  next  November. 

Again,  the  eternal  conflict  between  equal  opportunity 
and  special  privilege  is  upon  us.  Our  fathers  wrote  the 
issue  of  that  struggle  in  our  Constitutions.  They  de 
clared  all  men  to  be  free  and  equal.  In  a  single  century 
that  principle  developed  the  North  American  continent, 
leavened  the  world  with  its  beneficence,  inspired  all  na 
tions  with  hope,  and  made  the  United  States  the  asylum 
of  the  world.  Yet  America,  at  this  very  hour,  presents 
the  most  stupendous  contradiction  in  history — a  people 
politically  free  while  economically  bound  by  the  most 
gigantic  monopolies  of  all  time  and  burdened  by  a  system 
of  taxation  which  exploits  millions  to  enrich  a  few.  We 
have  preserved  the  forms  of  freedom,  but  are  fast  losing 
its  substance.  The  evils  of  this  condition  are  felt  in  a 
thousand  ways  throughout  the  land.  Therefore  it  is  that 
America  is  awake.  Therefore  it  is  that  a  mistake  in 
our  premises  will  be  fatal.  Therefore  it  is  that  the 
situation,  national  exigency,  the  crisis,  call  for  the  right 
man.  Therefore  it  is  that  a  silent  and  resistless  revolu 
tion  demands  our  patriotic  and  best  judgment.  Indi 
viduals  are  as  nothing  and  personal  ambitions  are  worse 


A  A  D  XE  \  I    JER8E  Y  J/  ADE  0  VER        219 

than  nothing.  If  the  chosen  candidate  fails  in  any  sense 
or  in  any  degree  full  and  completely  to  meet  the  call  of 
the  Nation,  he  is  doomed  to  defeat. 

Men  are  known  by  what  they  say  and  do.  They  are 
known  by  those  who  hate  and  oppose  them.  Many  years 
ago  Woodrow  Wilson  said :  "  No  man  is  great  who  thinks 
himself  so,  and  no  man  is  good  who  does  not  try  to 
secure  the  happiness  and  comfort  of  others."  This  is 
the  secret  of  his  life.  Later,  in  his  memorable  effort  to 
retain  good  scholarship  and  democracy  in  Princeton 
University,  he  declared:  "The  great  voice  of  America 
does  not  come  from  seats  of  learning.  It  comes  in  a 
murmur  from  the  hills  and  woods,  and  the  farms  and 
factories  and  the  mills,  rolling  on  and  gaining  volume 
until  it  comes  to  us  from  the  homes  of  common  men.  Do 
these  murmurs  echo  in  the  corridors  of  our  universities? 
I  have  not  heard  them."  A  clarion  call  to  the  spirit  that 
now  moves  America.  Later  he  shouted :  "  I  will  not  cry 
peace  so  long  as  there  is  sin  and  wrong  in  the  world." 
Here  is  the  very  soul  of  the  silent  revolution  now  solidify 
ing  sentiment  and  purpose  in  our  common  country. 

The  deeds  of  this  moral  and  intellectual  giant  are 
known  to  all  men.  They  accord,  not  with  the  shams  and 
false  pretenses  of  politics,  but  make  national  harmony 
with  the  millions  of  patriots  determined  to  correct  the 


220  WOODROW  WILSON 

wrongs  of  plutocracy  and  re-establish  the  maxims  of 
American  liberty  in  all  their  regnant  beauty  and  prac 
tical  effectiveness.  New  Jersey  loves  Woodrow  Wilson 
not  for  the  enemies  he  has  made.  New  Jersey  loves  him 
for  what  he  is.  All  evil  is  his  enemy.  The  influences 
that  have  opposed  him  have  demonstrated  his  availability 
and  fitness  on  the  one  hand,  and  exposed  the  unavail 
ability  and  unfitness  of  some  others  on  the  other  hand. 
The  influence  that  has  opposed  him  blights  and  blasts 
any  cause  and  any  person  it  espouses.  That  influence  has 
appealed  to  the  sordid,  low,  and  criminal.  That  influence 
fattens  on  ignorance  and  avarice.  The  man  that  accepts 
its  aid,  so  far  as  his  public  usefulness  is  concerned,  would 
be  more  fortunate  had  a  millstone  been  tied  about  his 
neck  and  he  had  been  cast  into  the  depths  of  the  sea. 
New  Jersey  believes  that  the  opposition  to  Governor 
Wilson,  such  as  it  has  been,  necessitates  and  secures  his 
triumph. 

Similar  necessities,  motives,  and  causes  impel  all  men 
alike.  The  same  necessities,  motives,  and  causes  which 
draw,  as  by  omnipotence,  substantially  all  New  Jersey 
about  this  great  and  good  man,  are  identically  the  same 
necessities,  motives,  and  causes  that  are  in  resistless 
motion  in  every  State  in  the  Union.  Its  solidarity  cannot 
be  disintegrated.  False  argument  falls  broken  against 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        221 

it.  A  revolution  of  intelligent  and  patriotic  millions  is 
the  expression  of  these  necessities,  motives,  and  causes. 
Therefore,  New  Jersey  argues  that  Woodrow  Wilson  is 
the  only  candidate  who  can  not  only  make  Democratic 
success  a  certainty,  but  secure  the  electoral  vote  of  al 
most  every  State  in  the  Union.  New  Jersey  will  endorse 
his  nomination  by  a  majority  of  one  hundred  thousand 
of  her  liberated  citizens.  We  are  not  building  for  a 
day,  or  even  a  generation,  but  for  all  time.  Let  not  the 
belief  that  any  candidate  may  succeed  rob  us  of  sound 
judgment.  What  would  it  profit  the  Democratic  party 
to  win  now,  only  to  be  cast  out  four  years  hence?  The 
Democratic  party  should  be  commissioned  to  carry  on  a 
great  constructive  programme  having  for  its  end  a  com 
plete  restoration  of  the  doctrine  of  equal  rights  and 
equal  opportunity — without  injury  and  wrong  to  any  one. 
Providence  has  given  us,  in  Woodrow  Wilson,  the  mental 
and  moral  equipment  to  accomplish  this  reincarnation 
of  Democracy. 

New  Jersey  believes  that  there  is  an  omniscience  in 
national  instinct.  That  instinct  centers  in  Woodrow 
Wilson.  How  can  his  power  in  every  State  be  explained? 
He  has  been  in  political  life  less  than  two  years.  He 
has  had  no  organization,  only  a  practical  ideal,  the  re- 
establishment  of  equal  opportunity.  Not  his  deeds  alone, 


222  WOODROW  WILSON 

not  his  immortal  words  alone,  not.  his  personality  alone, 
not  his  matchless  powers  alone,  but  all  combined,  compel 
national  faith  and  confidence  in  him.  Every  crisis  evolves 
its  master.  Time  and  circumstance  have  evolved  Wood- 
row  Wilson.  The  North,  the  South,  the  East,  and  the 
West  unite  in  him.  Deep  calls  to  deep.  Height  calls  to 
height. 

From  peak  to  peak,  the  rattling  clouds  among, 
Leaps  the  live  thunder.     Not  from  one  lone  cloud, 
But  every  mountain  now  hath  found  a  tongue 
And  Jura  answers  through  her  misty  shrouds 
Back  to  the  joyous  Alps,  who  call  to  her  aloud. 

The  lightning-flash  of  his  genius  has  cleared  the 
atmosphere.  We  now  know  where  we  are.  The  thunder 
of  his  sincerity  is  shaking  the  very  foundations  of  wrong 
and  corruption. 

Tf  Providence  could  spare  a  Washington  to  lay  the 
foundations  of  the  United  States  of  America;  if  Provi 
dence  could  spare  a  Jefferson  to  make  Democracy  a  liv 
ing  reality;  if  Providence  could  spare  a  Lincoln  to  unite 
the  States  in  impregnable  unity  and  brotherhood,  New 
Jersey  appeals  to  this  convention  to  give  the  Nation 
Woodrow  Wilson,  that  he  may  open  the  gates  of  oppor 
tunity  to  every  man,  woman,  and  child  under  our  flag, 
by  reforming  abuses  and  thereby  teaching  them,  in  his 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        223 

matchless  words,  "  to  release  their  energies  intelligently 
that  peace,  justice,  and  prosperity  may  reign." 

New  Jersey  rejoices,  through  her  freely  chosen  repre 
sentatives,  to  name  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States  the  Princeton  schoolmaster,  Woodrow  Wilson. 


SUPPLEMENT 

"  WE  count  it  110  exaggeration  to  declare  our  opinion 
that  no  other  American  has  approached  more  nearly  to 
Jefferson  and  Lincoln  in  wonderful  facility  and  felicity 
of  stating  the  problems  and  their  solution,  which  touch 
real  Americanism  from  every  angle." — From  an  editorial 
on  WOODROW  WILSON,  in  the  Philadelphia  North  American. 

"  A  conservative  with  a  move  on." — Kansas  City  Times. 

"  Present  indications  are  that  Governor  Wilson  could 
carry  the  United  States  by  a  safe  majority  in  the  elec 
toral  college,  without  the  aid  of  New  York  or  Connecticut. 
He  is  exceedingly  popular  in  the  old  Republican  States 
of  the  upper  Mississippi  Valley,  and  in  the  Rocky  Moun 
tain  and  Pacific  Coast  regions.  One  of  the  commonest 
remarks  in  that  section  of  the  country  invariably  begins: 
'  If  the  Democrats  nominate  Woodrow  Wilson.  . . .'  Men 
tion  the  name  of  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey  to  an  in 
surgent  Republican  and  he  beams  with  ready  response 
to  the  suggestion.  As  one  studies  the  map  Governor 
Wilson  could  probably  carry  every  State  west  of  the 
Mississippi  River  and  east  of  it.  He  would  sweep  in 
enough  electoral  votes  north  of  the  Ohio  River  to  make 
some  of  the  strength  of  the  old  Solid  South  superfluous." 
— Springfield,  Massachusetts,  Republican. 

224 


NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER  225 

"  Governor  Woodrow  Wilson  is  the  strongest  Demo 
cratic  probability  now  in  the  field." — Seattle,  Washington, 
Post  Intelligencer. 

"  One  after  another  Republicans  in  Washington,  D.  C., 
remark  that  if  the  Democrats  shall  nominate  Governor 
Woodrow  Wilson  for  President  Mr.  Taft  will  find  it 
difficult  to  secure  a  re-election." — Dubuque,  Iowa,  Herald. 

"  Where  did  the  Wilson  boom  start?  It  started  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people  who  want  a  man  who  will  stand 
with  and  for  them." — Duluth,  Minnesota,  Herald. 

"  We  can  win  with  Wilson." — Augusta,  Georgia, 
Herald. 

"  I  regard  Governor  Wilson  as  a  great  conservative 
force  because  he  is  neither  a  radical,  a  standpatter,  nor 
an  extremist.  He  is  the  embodiment  of  safe,  sound,  and 
progressive  policy." — WILLIAM  G.  McAooo. 

"  Cleveland  was  loved  for  the  enemies  that  he  made. 
Woodrow  Wilson  is  loved  for  the  friends  he  has  refused 
to  make." — Columbia,  South  Carolina  State. 

"  President  Woodrow  Wilson  of  Princeton  may  soon 
be  President  Woodrow  Wilson  of  the  U.  S.  A." — Boston 
Globe. 

"  If  you  are  a  Progressive  do  something  for  Wilson. 
Don't  let  the  political  footpads  sandbag  him.  Organize 
a  Wilson  club;  give  the  Wilson  sentiment  a  chance  to 
express  itself." — Boston  Common. 


226  WOODROW  WILSON 

"  The  people,  East  and  West,  have  met  Dr.  Wilson 
face  to  face.  They  have  heard  him  talk  and  have  taken 
his  measure  as  a  man  of  sincerity,  honesty,  and  capacity 
in  political  thinking.  They  have  his  record  as  Governor 
of  New  Jersey  as  an  earnest  of  what  he  can  do  in  po 
litical  action.  So  far  as  Democracy  will  suit  at  all,  his 
particular  brand  rings  true,  and  he  gains  strength  rather 
than  weakness  by  the  criticism  and  opposition  of  his 
party  brethren  who  stand  in  reactionary  ranks." — Port 
land,  Oregon,  Telegram. 

"  I  am  supporting  Governor  Wilson,  because  I  believe 
he  is  the  strongest  man  the  Democrats  can  get  for  the 
office  of  President.  I  regard  him  as  a  better  man  for 
the  place  than  Harmon  because  I  believe  he  will  be  better 
able  to  control  the  radical  element  in  the  party." — Judge 
JAMES  G.  TUCKER  of  Mt.  Clemens  Michigan. 

"  I  believe  that  we  ought  to  nominate  Woodrow  Wilson, 
and  I  believe  that  we  can  elect  him." — United  States 
Senator  JOHN  SHARP  WILLIAMS. 

Senator  Gore,  of  Oklahoma,  who  has  been  campaign 
ing  in  his  State  in  behalf  of  Governor  Wilson,  criticises 
the  opponents  of  the  New  Jersey  governor  in  the  follow 
ing  statement,  following  the  Harvey-Wilson-Watterson 
affair: 

"  This  whole  incident  is  a  bubble,  not  a  billow.  It  is 
not  surprising,  however,  that  the  opponents  of  Wilson, 
being  the  friends  of  other  candidates  should  mistake  the 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        227 

one  for  the  other.  It  seems  that  the  head  and  heart  of 
the  Governor's  offending  is  that  he  told  the  truth. 

"  No  honest  man  can  accept  an  office,  least  of  all,  the 
presidency,  with  a  lie  upon  his  conscience  or  his  conduct. 
No  one  has  plenary  power  to  select  either  his  friends  or 
his  opponents  in  politics.  To  decline  tendered  aid  and 
alliance  is  a  most  difficult  and  delicate  task.  Few  men 
have  the  courage  and  candor  to  do  this  when  battle  is 
joined.  Peradventure,  the  Governor  may  have  learned 
by  experience  that  there  are  men  who  would  undertake 
to  capitalize  gratitude  and  then  commercialize  influence. 
He  may  have  thought  it  just  and  timely  to  foreclose  the 
possibility  of  such  an  attempt  hereafter. 

"  The  critics  of  Governor  Wilson  should  tell  the  public 
frankly  whether  their  candidates  would  assume  such  an 
obligation  as  the  Governor  declines,  and,  if  so,  whether 
their  candidate  would  disregard  or  would  discharge  such 
obligations.  The  American  people  have  a  right  to  know 
the  text  and  terms  of  all  the  mortgages  and  deeds  of 
trust,  either  expressed  or  implied,  under  which  a  can 
didate  for  the  Presidency  may  labor,  and  they  have  an 
equal  right  to  know  the  names  of  all  the  mortgages  and 
beneficiaries  of  the  trust.  I  would  rather  see  Governor 
Wilson  defeated  and  his  heart  an  open  book,  '  that  all 
who  run  may  read,'  than  to  see  him  triumphant  with  a 
skeleton  in  his  political  closet  which  had  been  concealed 
from  the  eyes  of  a  confiding  public." 


"Kealizing  the  importance  of  solidifying  the  Demo 
cratic  sentiment  in  the  West  in  favor  of  that  candidate 
who  best  represents  the  Democratic  conscience  and  who 
is  most  in  sympathy  with  the  Progressive  policies  for 


228  WOODROW   WILSON 

which  the  West  stands,  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion 
to  regard  Woodrow  Wilson  as  the  man,  who,  above  all 
other  candidates,  voices  the  convictions  and  the  aspira 
tions  of  the  American  Democracy. 

"  It  is  evident  that  the  big  interests  have  isolated 
Wilson  from  all  the  other  candidates  and  have  made 
him  the  special  object  of  attack.  There  is  all  the  more 
reason,  therefore,  that  the  Democrats  of  Nevada  and  the 
West  should  recognize  him  as  the  true  progressive  leader 
and  rally  to  his  support." — United  States  Senator 
FRANCIS  NEWLANDS  of  Nevada. 

WILSON  CLUB  HEAD  ATTACKS  WATTERSON 

SAYS   GOVERNOR    MIGHT    HAVE    BEEN    WARNED   BY   THE   CLEVE 
LAND- WATTERSON   RUPTURE 

William  Cabell  Bruce,  President  of  the  Wilson  Club 
of  Baltimore,  which  numbers  700  members,  said  of  the 
Watterson  letter: 

"  No  reasonable  man,  it  seems  to  me,  can  read  this 
statement  without  harboring  the  thought  too,  that,  if 
Governor  Wilson  had  received  letters  from  enemies  of 
Colonel  Watterson  in  Kentucky,  warning  Governor  Wil 
son  against  him,  perhaps  these  letters  would  have  been 
timely. 

"  The  caprice  which  marked  the  rupture  that  brought 
the  class  social  as  well  as  political  intimacy  between 
President  Cleveland  and  Colonel  Watterson  to  an  end, 
might  well  have  admonished  Governor  Wilson  that,  bril 
liant  as  are,  the  literary  and  rhetorical  bubbles  thrown 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        229 

off  from  time  to  time  by  the  vivid  imagination  of  Colonel 
Watterson,  he  altogether  lacks  the  solid  and  safe  qualities 
which  make  up  a  trustworthy  counsellor." 


The  Kansas  City  Star,  which  has  been  a  strong  advo 
cate  of  Governor  Woodrow  Wilson's  candidacy,  said, 
editorially : 

"  Regarding  the  Wilson-Harvey  incident  these  facts 
seem  apparent:  In  view  of  the  affiliations  of  Harper's 
Weekly,  doubtless  Governor  Wilson  felt  that  the  support 
of  the  editor,  his  friend,  Colonel  Harvey,  was  putting  him 
in  a  false  light  with  the  country.  Doubtless,  too,  it  might 
be  wished  that  the  Governor  had  not  found  it  necessary 
to  convey  any  such  intimation  to  Colonel  Harvey.  A 
man  may  have  well-meaning  friends  whose  assistance  he 
would  like  to  get  along  without,  but  which  he  must 
simply  accept  as  one  of  the  handicaps  to  be  carried  as 
best  he  can. 

"  Nevertheless,  the  American  j>eople  are  not  inclined 
to  be  critical  in  dealing  with  effective  public  men  whose 
purposes  they  believe  to  be  right. 

"At  Princeton,  Woodrow  Wilson  took  his  life  in  his 
hands  and  struggled  for  Democracy  within  the  University. 
As  Governor  of  New  Jersey  he  has  made  a  fine  record  in 
wresting  from  a  divided  and  reluctant  Legislature  a 
body  of  progressive  laws. 

"  In  all  his  relations  he  has  shown  himself  a  strong 
fighter  for  progressive  ideas.  His  energy,  courage,  and 
ability  have  made  him  a  national  leader  in  the  forward 
movement." 


230  WOODROW  WILSON 

"  At  the  beginning  of  his  statement  about  the  now  fa 
mous  interview  between  himself  and  Col.  Harvey  and 
Governor  Wilson,  Colonel  Watterson  said :  '  The  con 
ference  between  us  in  my  apartment  at  the  Manhattan 
Club  was  held  to  consider  certain  practical  measures  re 
lating  to  Governor  Wilson's  candidacy.'  Isn't  it  now 
time  that  we  heard  from  Colonel  Watterson  as  to  what 
those  practical  measures  were?  Did  they  relate  to  the 
rasing  of  campaign  funds?  Had  they  to  do  with  the 
desirability  of  Governor  Wilson's  making  the  acquaint 
ance  of  certain  financiers  of  influence  in  the  past  history 
of  the  Democratic  party?  Is  it  true  that  Colonel  Wat 
terson  exclaimed  that  in  the  long  run  money  and  not 
patriotism  wins  campaigns  ?  Upon  all  these  questions  we 
should  have  a  little  more  light." — New  York  Evening 
Post. 

"  When  Colonel  Harvey,  apparently  overcome  by  Gov 
ernor  Wilson's  austerity,  put  the  direct  question  to  Gov 
ernor  Wilson  whether  the  support  of  Harper's  Weekly 
was  doing  him  an  injury,  and  received  from  Governor 
Wilson  the  cold  rejoinder  that  it  was,  I  was  both  sur 
prised  and  shocked." — HENRY  WATTERSON. 

"  The  World  is  surprised  too.  But  we  cannot  bring 
ourselves  to  say  that  we  are  shocked. 

"  For  a  Presidential  candidate  to  tell  an  influential 
supporter  more  than  five  months  before  the  nominating 
convention  and  over  nine  months  before  the  election  that 
his  support  is  no  longer  desired  is  surprising. 

"  For  a  man  to  tell  an  intimate  friend  that  his  loyal 
and  long-continued  work  in  his  behalf  is  no  longer  a 
service  but  an  injury  is  painfully  unpleasant. 

"  But  we  can  see  nothing  shocking  in  giving  this  frank 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        231 

answer  to  a  plain  question.  Presumably  Colonel  Harvey 
wanted  the  truth  when  he  asked  the  question.  Presum 
ably  Governor  Wilson  believed  he  was  telling  the  truth 
when  he  answered. 

"  '  Ingratitude ! '  arises  the  chorus  of  Governor  Wilson's 
shocked  opponents.  We  should  be  far  from  shocked  even 
if  we  could  discover  ingratitude  in  Governor  Wilson's 
position. 

"  Ingratitude  is  one  of  the  rarest  virtues  of  public  life. 
'  Gratitude '  is  responsible  for  many  of  our  worst  political 
abuses.  Upon  <  gratitude '  is  built  every  corrupt  po 
litical  machine;  upon  'gratitude7  is  founded  the  power 
of  every  ignorant  and  unscrupulous  boss ;  in  6  gratitude ' 
is  rooted  the  system  of  spoils,  of  log-rolling,  of  lobbying. 
Lorimer  was  elected  by  '  gratitude/  Payne- Aldrich  bills 
are  passed  for  l  gratitude/  Harriman  campaign  funds  are 
raised  for  i  gratitude.'  The  great  majority  of  the  voices 
which  are  denouncing  Wilson's  ingratitude  are  the  voices 
of  machine  politicians,  chief  among  whose  stock  in  trade 
is  this  '  gratitude.' " — New  York  World. 

"  It  is  no  time  for  Democrats  to  think  of  falling  back 
on  a  weak  or  unknown  man.  Their  strongest  will  be 
none  too  strong.  For  the  country  has  not  merely  to  be 
held  to  the  Democracy,  it  has  yet  to  be  won  over  to  it. 
The  mid-way  elections  of  1910  furnished  proof  that  the 
people  are  ready  to  be  converted,  but  they  are  still  look 
ing  for  the  man  to  do  it.  A  mere  humdrum  Democrat, 
with  nothing  against  him,  perhaps,  but  nothing  for  him, 
'  icily  regular,  splendidly  null,'  ought  not  to  be  considered 
for  a  moment.  What  the  Democratic  opportunity  calls 
for  is  a  candidate  of  tempered  courage  and  forth-putting 
energy.  To  draw  back  now,  to  hesitate,  to  refuse  to  put 


232  WOODROW  WILSON 

the  best  foot  forward,  to  adopt  a  temporizing  policy  and 
put  up  with  a  compromising  leader,  would  be  to  throw 
away  the  entire  advantage  of  position. 

"  Considerations  like  these  are  what  make  the  appeal  of 
Governor  Wilson  to  his  party  so  great  at  the  present 
juncture.  Timid  men  inevitably  drop  away  from  him, 
with  many  head-shakings,  but  the  question  is  whether  the 
party  and  the  party  situation  do  not  demand  a  bold  and 
positive  man.  Governor  Wilson's  independence  and 
courage  are  beyond  question.  He  has  a  singular  power 
of  expression.  His  voice  is  comparatively  new  to  the 
mass  of  his  countrymen,  so  that  he  has  the  better  chance 
of  a  hearing  for  what  he  has  to  say.  And  that  he  has 
ideas,  convictions,  and  definite  purposes,  he  has  abund 
antly  shown.  He  has  seemed,  also,  to  gather  up  in  his 
own  person  the  reasonably  progressive  and  reformatory 
tendencies  of  his  party.  The  indications  are  clear  that, 
if  he  were  to  be  put  at  the  head  of  the  Democratic  cam 
paign,  he  would  not  only  raise  it  to  a  high  level  oratoric- 
ally,  but  would  give  it  push  and  vigor  from  start  to 
finish.  His  candidacy  is  admittedly  distasteful  to  the 
ordinary  run  of  politicians.  He  does  not  speak  their 
language  and  they  know  in  their  hearts  that  they  cannot 
4  do  business  '  with  him.  Time-servers  and  over-cautious 
men  are  not  drawn  to  Wilson.  He  irritates  and  alarms 
them.  But  there  can  be  no  question  that  there  is  a 
stronger  popular  movement  for  him  than  for  any  other 
candidate.  If  there  is  such  a  thing  as  a  Democratic 
current,  it  to-day  sets  powerfully  for  Wilson.  And  the 
only  question  is  whether  the  party  managers  will  try  to 
stop  it  by  political  manipulation,  or  whether  they  will 
have  the  sense  to  let  it  sweep  on  and  give  them  a  Presi 
dential  nominee  who  will  be  a  true  leader,  with  that  bold- 


AND  NEW  JERSEY  MADE  OVER        233 

ness  and  force  which  the  time  requires  and  without  which 
there  can  be  nothing  but  failure." — New  York  Evening 
Post. 

On  January  29,  1912,  Hon.  William  Jennings  Bryan 
wrote  the  author  as  follows :  "  Dr.  Woodrow  Wilson 
combines  to  a  larger  extent  than  usual  the  qualities  of 
an  instructor  with  the  tastes  and  public  spirit  of  the 
statesman." 

In  a  recent  issue  of  The  Commoner ;  Mr.  Bryan  said 
editorially : 

"  A  realignment  of  political  friends  is  necessary  when 
ever  a  fundamental  change  takes  place  on  important 
questions.  The  most  conspicuous  Bible  illustration  of  a 
fundamental  change  in  life  is  found  in  the  experience  of 
Saul  of  Tarsus,  who  became  Paul.  He  was  as  honest 
when  he  persecuted  the  Christians  as  he  was  afterward 
when  he  risked  shipwreck,  stripes,  and  even  death  to 
preach  the  gospel.  He  doubtless  retained  many  of  his 
personal  friends,  and  some  of  them  may  have  undergone, 
later,  the  same  change  of  heart,  but  he  would  hardly 
have  entrusted  to  an  unrepentant  persecutor  of  the  Chris 
tians  the  planning  of  one  of  his  missionary  tours.  His 
epistles,  after  the  change,  were  not  to  his  early  friends, 
but  to  the  brethren  of  the  church. 

Colonel  Harvey  has  shown  no  signs  of  conversion ;  if  he 
communes  with  Ananiases  it  is  not  with  any  conscious 
ness  of  blindness.  He  has  seen  no  new  light;  and 
when  he  does,  he  will  feel  so  ashamed  of  his  life-long  fight 


234  WOODROW  WILSON, 

against  progressive  democracy  that  his  first  desire  will 
be  to  bring  forth  fruits  meet  for  repentance — not  to  as 
sume  leadership.  It  must  pain  Governor  Wilson  to  break 
with  old  friends,  but  the  breaks  must  necessarily  come 
unless  he  turns  back  or  they  go  forward.  '  A  man  is 
known  by  the  company  he  keeps  ? — and  he  cannot  keep 
company  with  those  going  in  opposite  directions.  Gov 
ernor  Wilson  must  prepare  himself  for  other  desertions 
— they  will  distress  him  but  there  is  abundant  consola 
tion  in  the  consciousness  of  duty  done.  It  should  matter 
little  to  him  whether  he  reaches  the  White  House  or  not 
— that  depends  on  circumstances  which  he  can  but  par 
tially  control — the  joy  that  comes  from  the  faithful 
rendition  of  service  surpasses  any  satisfaction  that  one 
can  derive  from  the  gratification  of  political  ambition 
— a  joy  that  makes  one  strong  enough  to  endure  even 
the  severest  of  strains,  namely,  the  breaking  of  the  bonds 
of  friendship." 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 


This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 
Rj  po<rjte  jdi^t^t^nvhich  renewed. 
Renewed  feoolcs  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 

FEB13'67-1R 

• 

LOAN  DEPT 

I 

T  Tk  01  A    «n«i  T  •««                                      General  Library 
I(G42412A7;i6Or476|6                                Vl^ggj***** 

LD  21A-50m-4,'60 
(A9562sl01476B 


*   Geat-raJ  Library 
University  of  California 


802099 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


